Showing posts with label Republican Voter Obstruction Wisconsin Scott Walker. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Republican Voter Obstruction Wisconsin Scott Walker. Show all posts

Dec 15, 2017

Hey Wisconsin Dems, Listen to Charles Barkley on Black Folks

Madison, Wisconsin—It would be nice if Gov. Scott, never-had-a-real-job, Walker were bounced from elected office before he and his arsonists inflict more damage here.

Charles Barkley from Alabama has a message applicable to Wisconsin and the moribund Democratic Party of Wisconsin.

Said an ebullient Barkley on Election Night, (King, The Intercept):

Well, this is a wakeup call for Democrats. … They’ve taken the black vote and the poor vote for granted for a long time. It’s time for them to get off their ass and start making life better for black folks and people who are poor.

They’ve always had our votes, and they have abused our votes and this is a wakeup call. We’ve got it in a great position now, but this is a wakeup call for Democrats to do better for black people and poor white people.
To put another way: Wake up Dems, or fuck off:

Dec 14, 2017

Scott Walker Will Take Wrong Lesson from Roy Moore Defeat

Wisconsin for whites, vote Republican in 2018, say white
supremacists. But decency can triumph against hate.

Wisconsin Republicans Will Attempt to Stop Black Voters in 2018, White Supremacists Remain Emboldened

The defeat this week of the child-molesting Roy Moore in Alabama—supported by Donald Trump, Scott Walker and far-too many Republicans—courses thorough the political world.

Hey, decency can win elections.

A signal of the coming 2018 anti-Republican wave? Could be.

Report Richard Fausset and Campbell Robertson:

The word traveled, urgently and insistently, along the informal networks of black friends, black family and black co-workers: Vote.

[Black Alabama human beings] voted out of a more general concern that the country, in the Trump era, was going back to a place best left in the past.

'There’s no state in America where black people recognize the horrors of turning back the clock more than the State of Alabama. There is a consciousness about this history in the African-American community,' said Bryan Stevenson, the founder of the Equal Justice Initiative, which is based in Montgomery, (New York Times).

History instructs.

Today, there's no state in America where being black is as dangerous to life, liberty and health today as in Wisconsin. Lynchings are police executions of blacks, and wrongful convictions. Harassment and public trolling is accomplished by Scott Walker and assorted Republicans on municipal police units. No need for a burning cross, when a state has Scott Walker.

A prediction

Naturally, Scott Walker, Republicans and white poll workers will do their worst to obstruct black, young and progressive voters, lest Wisconsin becomes an Alabama with black folks leading the way towards defeat of white supremacists in 2018.

Voter obstruction in Wisconsin, as bad it has been since 2011, is a project with many more assets to be utilized.

But voting is simply one important deliverable of the Wisconsin anti-black project.

By way of explanation, in Wisconsin, if you have darker skin, many whites and most Republicans DO NOT LIKE YOU.

You're black, there are perceived associated problems with your character, intelligence and decency, and you surely do not belong in a voting booth diluting elections and canceling out the votes of white folks who know better. [Public service tip: If you're black, avoid Fitchburg, Wisconsin in particular: Cops are Republican and unmoored; City Hall crats are corrupt; and the Common Council is a disgrace.]

In Wisconsin, blacks folks, aka the urban vote, are concentrated in Milwaukee and the south-eastern quadrant of the state, including Kenosha, Racine, Rock and Dane counties.

One task for white supremacist Republicans is to stop unwanted voters in these locales.

One solution

If there is not a voter-protection infrastructure in Milwaukee, for example, Scott Walker and other white supremacists win in 2018. It's that easy. Voter protection.

One hopes the Democratic Party realizes the stakes. As a life-long Wisconsinite, I don't think they get it. I know my black friends and family agree.

Dec 13, 2017

Lesson for Wisconsin Is Don't Become Alabama

On Nov. 10, Gov. Scott Walker defended sexual predator Roy Moore, saying allegations of child sexual assault are not credible, comparing women's complaints with unfounded rumors that Walker had a "love child," (Wisconsin State Journal).

Walker reversed himself three days later after widespread criticism left Walker looking ridiculous.

Walker's support for Moore is one of the stories where his character is on display, explaining why Walker avoids unscripted public appearances where he has to answer questions.

Now, as the nation celebrates simple decency, the fundamentalist Walker is back to making Wisconsin into Alabama, if we let this project continue.

Sep 27, 2017

Wisconsin Republicans Obstruct the Vote

Madison, Wisconsin — Everyone in Wisconsin, especially Republicans, know why Gov. Scott Walker and Republicans, and only Republicans, in the legislature transformed Wisconsin election law since 2011.

The corporate media and Republicans play dumb of-course.

The aim and objective of the Republican transformation of Wisconsin law is Republicans winning elections by obstructing as many non-Republican voters as possible.

But until we see headlines in the Wisconsin dailies reading: "Republicans' obstructing voters gets results," we still will have much of the political culture residing in what former Judge Richard Posner called a "fact-free cocoon."

For reference, analyses, federal court judgments note the following resources:

Sep 26, 2017

Study: Republican Photo ID Law Deterred 10,000s from Voting in Wisconsin in Presidential Election

Wisconsin Republicans remain determined to stop voters
The Blind Leading the Blind - Brueghel
Poor, Ethnic Minorities Hit Hardest by GOP Obstruction Law


Madison, Wisconsin — The Republican-backed Photo Voter ID law stopped 10,000s from voting in the 2016 presidential election in Wisconsin, concludes a study conducted by Kenneth R. Mayer, Professor of Political Science.

Wisconsin Republicans and only Republicans attempted for years to pass a photo voter ID law before a bill was passed on a party-line vote in 2011, and signed by Gov. Scott Walker, a long-time backer of this voter-obstruction initiative, proposed under cover of self-consciously false claims of voter fraud, (WTMJ-Milwuakee).

In October 2014, Richard Posner of the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, (1981-2017), eviscerated Wisconsin photo voter ID law as voter obstruction in a scathing dissenting opinion that has not been credibly challenged, even as Republican jurists on this federal Appellate Court defend Wisconsin's voter obstruction law.

The University of Wisconsin-Madison study supports Posner's findings.

Wisconsin's voter ID law is one of many Republican-imposed changes to Wisconsin election law that were passed on party-line votes to block as many non-Republicans from voting as possible. Numerous Republican voter obstruction laws were found to be unconstitutional in July 2016 in One Wisconsin Institute v. Thomsen, (U.S. District Court of the Western District of Wisconsin (Case 15-cv-324). In May 2016 one witness testifying for the Republicans in One Wisconsin, Waukesha County Clerk Kathleen Novack, said, there is "too much access to the voters as far as opportunities" to vote in Madison and Milwaukee, (Jake's Economic TA Funhouse), (Opoien, The Capital Times). This would be the Novack Doctrine, a guiding principle of Republican jurisprudence in voting rights law.

A reproduction of the press release for the Wisconsin voter ID study follows.
--
Voter ID Study Shows Turnout Effects in 2016 Wisconsin Presidential Election

MADISON, WISCONSIN — A survey of registered voters in Dane and Milwaukee Counties who did not vote in the 2016 presidential election found that 11.2% of eligible nonvoting registrants were deterred by the Wisconsin’s voter ID law.

This corresponds to 16,801 people in the two counties deterred from voting, and could be as high as 23,252 based on the confidence interval around the 11.2% estimate, which is between 7.8% and 15.5%. The survey further found that 6% of nonvoters were prevented from voting because they lacked ID or cited ID as the main reason they did not vote, which corresponds to 9,001 people, and could be as high as 14,101 based on the confidence interval of between 3.5% and 9.4%.

Roughly 80% of registrants who were deterred from voting by the ID law, and 77% of those prevented from voting, cast ballots in the 2012 election.

Based on these estimates, if all of the affected registrants voted the voter ID requirement reduced turnout in the two counties by 2.24 percentage points under the main measure of effect, and by 1.2 percentage points under a conservative measure. If they voted at 2012 rates, voter ID lowered turnout by 0.9 to 1.8 percentage points.

The burdens of voter ID fell disproportionately on low-income and minority populations. Among low-income registrants (household income under $25,000), 21.1% were deterred, compared to 7.2% for those over $25,000. Among high-income registrants (over $100,000 household income), 2.7% were deterred. 8.3% of white registrants were deterred, compared to 27.5% of African Americans.

The study, conducted by Principal Investigator Kenneth R. Mayer, Professor of Political Science and Affiliate Faculty of the Robert M. La Follette School of Public Affairs and UW Madison, with Ph.D. candidate Michael G. DeCrescenzo, was based on the statewide database of registered voters (WisVote), which records whether a registrant cast a ballot in the November presidential election. The survey was administered by the UW Survey Center, and funded by the Dane County Clerk’s Office. The data are based on a sample of 288 nonvoting registrants who were on the rolls on or before election day, November 8, 2016.

The survey asked registrants about their reasons for not voting, the types of ID they possess, interest in the election, confidence in the accuracy of the vote count, and demographics. The survey did not ask voters about who they would have voted for or their party identification.

The survey found considerable confusion about the law. Most of the people who said they did not vote because they lacked ID actually possessed a qualifying form of ID. This confusion may be the result of a lack of effective efforts educating eligible voters of the requirements of the law, and it is consistent with other studies that show many otherwise eligible voters are confused about ID laws. There were no significant differences between people who had seen information about the voter ID law and those who had not.

"This study provides better data than previous efforts to measure the effects of ID laws, which have largely been based on aggregate turnout, matching registered voters to state driver’s license and ID databases, or looking at the number of rejected provisional ballots cast by voters without an ID," said Principal Investigator Mayer. "By asking nonvoters their reasons for not voting, and about what forms of ID they actually possess, we get a better understanding of how voter ID laws affect individuals, and what types of people are most deterred by the laws. The data show that poor and minority populations are affected the most."

"The main conclusion of the study is that thousands, and perhaps tens of thousands, of otherwise eligible people were deterred from voting by the ID law," said Mayer. "The 11.2% figure is actually a lower bound since it does not include people who don’t even register because they lack an ID. And while the total number affected in Milwaukee and Dane Counties is smaller than the margin of victory in the 2016 presidential election, that is the wrong measure. An eligible voter who cannot vote because of the ID law is disenfranchised, and that in itself is a serious harm to the integrity to the electoral process."

Supporting information available at https://elections.wisc.edu/news/voter-id-study
###

Jul 23, 2016

Wisconsin AG Fights Pro-Voting Rights Decision; GOP Unlikely to Prevail in Appellate Court

High-priority communication from Wisconsin Elections Commission
to local Election Clerks alerts officials to make available affidavit
for November 8 general election. Memo follows federal judge's
preliminary injunction of Wisconsin's voter obstruction law
Republicans Face Uphill Climb to Stop Voters in Appellate Court


A major Wisconsin voting rights victory in federal court this week has been appealed by the Republican-led Wisconsin Dept. of Justice.

The case is Frank v. Walker, (MoritzLaw). The case will be heard at the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit where the law of the case reads in part, the "right to vote is personal and is not defeated by the fact that 99% of other people can secure the necessary credentials easily," (p. 4, Frank v. Walker; April 12, 2016), (Canning, The Brad Blog).

U.S. District Judge Lynn Adelman's decision this week halts Wisconsin's Republican-enacted voter obstruction law designed to stop non-Republican-voting citizens from casting votes, (Mal Contends).

Adelman has issued a temporary injunction, (halting), of the law until Wisconsin allows citizens without approved photo voter ID to vote after signing an affidavit attesting to the difficulty in attaining voter IDs.

The next election in which Adelman's opinion will be in force is the November 8 general election.

The difficulty for 1,000s of registered voters in obtaining IDs has been found as fact in the 2013 federal trial, Frank v, Walker, decided by Judge Adelman in April 2014.

Republican Attorney General Brad Schimel released a statement on July 19, reading: "We are disappointed with the court's decision. We will decide the next course of action after Wisconsin Department of Justice attorneys have had time to fully review and analyze the court's decision," (WPR).

It did not take Republicans long to review, analyze and decide to appeal the voting rights victory.

The Wisconsin Republicans are moving for an expedited hearing on their motion to stay, (stop), Adelman's injunction mandating the option of an affidavit to protect the right to vote.

Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit

The United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit which will hear the appeal will likely deny the Republican motions.

In April 2106, the Seventh Circuit's Judge Frank Easterbrook remanded Frank v. Walker to Adelman's district court writing in part, "Plaintiffs’ approach is potentially sound if even a single person eligible to vote is unable to get acceptable photo ID with reasonable effort. The right to vote is personal and  is not defeated by the fact that 99% of other people can secure the necessary credentials easily," (p. 4, Frank v. Walker; April 2016).

Republicans Hostile to Wisconsin Population

Part of Republican political strategy in Wisconsin is to harass the minority and college-age populations so frequently disfavored segments of the citizenry move out of Wisconsin.

Repulbican efforts to defend each voter obstruction law in state and federal court amount to 100s of hours of legal work for a partisan end to destroy the liberties of disfavored Wisconsin citizens.

Republican Press Release in Frank v. Walker

The Republican press release dated July 22 is reproduced below:

MADISON, WI – Today, the Wisconsin Department of Justice (DOJ), on behalf of the State of Wisconsin, appealed the preliminary injunction entered in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin on July 19, 2016, requiring the State to adopt an affidavit exception to Wisconsin’s voter identification law for the November 2016 election. Along with the appeal, DOJ also filed a motion in district court seeking a stay and moved the court to expedite its decision on its motion seeking the stay.

Under Wisconsin law, any eligible voter who applies for a free photo ID at the Wisconsin Division of Motor Vehicles (DMV) will receive such an ID for voting purposes within six days, which will be automatically renewed through the November election. Even after November, each eligible voter will continue to have a free photo ID unless the DMV makes a finding of fraud, ineligibility, or refusal to respond to repeated DMV inquires for six months, or the voter specifically requests cancellation of the DMV process. Under this robust process, any eligible Wisconsin voter can obtain a free photo ID for voting purposes using reasonable efforts, making the district court’s affidavit procedure entirely unnecessary.

In its motion seeking a stay, DOJ explained that the district court’s decision is contrary to binding precedent from the United States Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. The district court’s affidavit procedure creates a loophole in Wisconsin’s voter ID law, incorrectly informing voters that they can vote without a photo ID, even if they have not made any reasonable efforts to obtain such an ID. For instance, under the court’s ruling, if voters explain on their affidavit that they simply did not want to go to the DMV, those voters could still vote, despite the fact that the United States Supreme Court has rejected that specific argument. As the Supreme Court has held: “making a trip to the [D]MV, gathering the required documents, and posing for a photograph” is not a substantial burden on the right to vote. Rather, this is an entirely reasonable, modest requirement, which is properly designed to ensure the integrity of elections and public confidence in the fairness of the result.

Jul 20, 2016

Fed Judge Gives Wisconsin Voting Rights Win, Hits Republican Voter Obstruction Project

Ruthelle Frank of Brokaw, Wisconsin
fights for her right to vote against Scott Walker
and Republican efforts to obstruct non-GOP
voting Wisconsin citizens in Frank v. Walker
A prominent tool used by Wisconsin Republicans to obstruct non-Republicans from voting was held unconstitutional yesterday by U.S. District Judge Lynn Adelman.

Adelman held citizens' right to vote conditioned on obtaining and presenting photo voter IDs needs to include the option of a signed affidavit for voters unable to get approved identification that accords to the narrowly drawn range of acceptable IDs, (Stern, Slate), (NYT), (Ferral, The Capital Times).

The case is Frank v. Walker, (MoritzLaw).

This is the second time a court has ordered major revisions to Wisconsin Act 23 (2011), passed by Republicans and only Republicans as a means of protecting elected Republicans from the voters' will.

The Republican-dominated Wisconsin Supreme Court upheld the law in July 2014, holding that to pass state Constitutional muster, the state of Wisconsin must offer free photo voter IDs, in an activist opinion written to save the unconstitutional law, (Mal Contends),(Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel).

Judge Adelman is a judge in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.

He ruled yesterday the voter obstruction law is unconstitutional under the federal Constitution, violative of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Writes Adelman: "... I conclude that the plaintiffs are very likely to succeed on their claim that Act 23 is unconstitutional as applied to those who cannot obtain ID with reasonable effort, and that the appropriate remedy is to allow those voters to present an affidavit in lieu of photo identification," (p. 36), referencing his previous ruling, in which Adelman found Wisconisn Act 23 (2011) unconstitutional in April 2104 (Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel).

Another voting rights case against Wisconsin voter obstruction laws, One Wisconsin Institute v. Nichol, continues in the Western District of Wisconsin.

Republican voting obstruction efforts continue. Since 2011 Wisconsin Republicans have made some 34 changes to Wisconsin election law to keep Republicans in political power, (Ferral, The Capital Times)

The Republican-dominated Wisconsin Dept. of Justice issued a statement saying the Dept. is "disappointed" in the ruling. Of course, they are.

May 27, 2016

Bizarre Republican Polemics Defending Voter Obstruction

Even in the courtroom Republican defenders of voter obstruction substitute polemics for constitutional reasoning as Republicans refuse to close out project attacking voting rights

Republican defenders of voter obstruction often use virtually identical language to defend state laws that "disenfranchise voters likely to vote for the political party that does not control the state government," to borrow a phrase from Judge Richard Posner.

Posner's extraordinary 2104 On Suggestion of Rehearing En Banc is a veritable judicial white paper explaining Republican state efforts to suppress voters, (Posner, Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit), (Friedman, The Brad Blog), (Mal Contends).

Ohio Secretary of State Jon Husted, the Republican Party's point man on Republican voter obstruction in his state, announced yesterday his office filed an appeal in the voting rights case, Ohio Organizing Collaborative v. Jon Hustad (Case No. 2:15-cv-1802), (Ohio Secretary of State).

Said Hustad, "To ensure we were fulfilling our goal of making it easy to vote and hard to cheat, we expanded weekend and weekday hours for in-person absentee voting as part of a compromise for the reduction in hours that came with the elimination of Golden Week," (Hustad, Ohio Secretary of State) (emphasis added). Hustad terms the Ohio Organizing Collaborative case the Ohio Democratic Party et al v. Husted, using Republican Party polemics contradicting the federal judge hearing the case on the title.

Easy to vote and hard to cheat.

This phrase may sound familiar to Wisconsin politicos. That's because the Republican Gov. Scott Walker often uses the phrase (or a derivation) when trying to defend voter obstruction in Wisconsin.

"In our state we have a photo ID requirement that would make it easy to vote and hard to cheat," Walker told reporters last year at Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst's Roast and Ride event, (CBS News, June 6, 2015) (emphasis added).

From Ohio to Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and across the country, Republican voter obstruction operatives such as Hans von Spakovsky, and John Fund employ the phrase as a justification for voter obstruction laws such as Wisconsin's. Catchy phrase but vacuous as an argument.

Bizarre

In Wisconsin, the Republican case for voter obstruction as made at the bench trial of One Wisconsin Institute v. Nichol (U.S. District Court of the Western District of Wisconsin (Case 15-cv-324)) has veered into the vacuous and the bizarre.

Novack Doctrine

One witness for the Republicans, Waukesha County Clerk Kathleen Novack, testified at One Wisconsin, saying, "too much access to the voters as far as opportunities" to vote exist in Madison and Milwaukee, (Jake's Economic TA Funhouse), (Opoien, The Capital Times). This would be the Novack Doctrine, a guiding principle of Republican jurisprudence in voting rights law.

Schimel Doctrine

Republicans at the Wisconsin Dept. of Justice also kept up their line of reasoning that photo voter IDs are popular with citizens who possess the Ids, hence Wisconsin's restrictive law conditioning the right to vote on presenting Republican-approved photo voter IDs is both popular and Constitutional, (Mal Contends). This is the Schimel Doctrine, so named after Wisconsin's current Republican attorney general.

The Schimel Doctrine that voting restrictions' constitutionality is conditioned on polling numbers was ridiculed by a Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit's three-judge panel in 2014.

"What conceivable relevance is a polling number to this litigation?," said Judge Frank Easterbrook, a voting rights opponent and author of the 2014 opinion upholding Wisconsin's photo voter ID law in Frank v. Walker.

Testimony has concluded in One Wisconsin. Closing arguments are scheduled for June 30.

One Wisconsin Institute

Below is a press release from the One Wisconsin Institute on the conclusion of testimony.

Testimony Concludes in Federal Voting Rights Trial Challenge to Republican-Led Attacks on Electoral Participation in Wisconsin

Intentions of Five Year Campaign to Undermine Voting Rights and Impacts of Voter Suppression Schemes on Legal Voters Exposed


MADISON, Wis. — Testimony concluded today in the federal voting rights trial, One Wisconsin Institute et. al. v. Gerald Nichol et. al., which challenges the state voter ID requirement, changes to voter registration requirements, limits on early voting and other restrictive changes to Wisconsin’s election laws adopted by Gov. Scott Walker and the Republican-controlled legislature.

Plaintiffs argued that the changes were meant to and have the effect of making it more difficult to vote in Wisconsin, especially for minorities, young people, and voters who tend to support Democratic candidates.

The following are the statements of One Wisconsin Institute Executive Director Scot Ross:

“The testimony and evidence provided to the court exposed the intentions behind the myriad of election law changes and revealed the impacts on voters of the five year assault on their rights perpetrated by Gov. Walker and the Republican-controlled legislature.

“Gov. Walker and Republican legislators set out to make it harder for minorities, young people and voters who tend to support Democratic candidates to participate in our elections. As a result, legal voters have been denied the franchise, and will continue to be denied their right to vote unless their suppression schemes are struck down.

“The real voting fraud in Wisconsin has been exposed, and it is these politicians manipulating the rules on voting to give themselves an unfair partisan advantage.

“Their actions have subverted our democracy and violate federal law.”
# # #
One Wisconsin Institute is a non-partisan, progressive research and education organization dedicated to a Wisconsin with equal economic opportunity for all.

May 25, 2016

Ohio Voter Suppression Law Held Unlawful, Opinion Points Way for Wisconsin Voting Rights

Black folks just love the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments
of the United States Constitution. But will they ever get that
Republican Party-enacted state laws against voting are really
for the greater good of the country?
Thursday, May 26, 2106 is the last day of trial in One Wisconsin v. Nichol, a major voting rights case challenging Republican voter suppression laws in Wisconsin.

Yesterday, a voting rights case in Ohio, signaled what could be a major development for voting rights federal litigation, in favor of the voters against Republican efforts to obstruct voters held in disfavor by Republicans state legislators and governors.

The Ohio case is Ohio Organizing Collaborative v. Jon Hustad (Case No. 2:15-cv-1802) heard by U.S. District Judge Michael H. Watson who issued his 120-page opinion finding a voter suppression law blocking an in-person early voting ritual in Ohio, Golden Week, to be in violation of the United States Constitution and Voting Rights Act.

The Voting Right Act is a law first passed in 1965 to enforce the 15th Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.

The Ohio case is heard in the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.

Writes Judge Watson:

EIP [early in-person] voting in homogenous black blocks was 4.316 times higher than homogenous white blocks in 2008… 4.4476 times higher in 2012… usage rates of Golden Week specifically were far higher among African Americans than among whites in both 2008 and 2012… In other words, in 2008, for example, ‘the rate of voting early in person during golden week is three and a half times greater in homogenous black blocks than homogenous white blocks.’

One Wisconsin v. Nichol 

In the Wisconsin voting rights case, a series of voter suppression laws enacted into law by Wisconsin Republicans since 2011 are challenged as violative of the Voting Rights Act and the United States Constitution.

Argue the plaintiffs, One Wisconsin Institute and Citizen Action of Wisconsin Education Fund, as noted at Election Law at Moritz:

Count I: Violations of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
Count II: Undue Burdens on the Right to Vote in Violation of the First Amendment and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
Count III: Disparate Treatment of Voters without a Rational Basis in Violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
Count IV: Partisan Fencing in Violation of the First Amendment and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
Count V: Abridgment or Denial of the Right to Vote on the Basis of Race in Violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Fifteenth Amendment
Count VI: Abridgment or Denial of the Right to Vote on the Basis of Age in Violation of the Twenty-Sixth Amendment

Wisconsin Republicans

Wisconsin Republicans in the politicized Wisconsin Department of Justice argue, (among other points), that because Wisconsin's photo voter ID law for example is popular in their view, it is also constitutional, a bizarre argument used in two federal voting rights cases by Wisconsin DoJ Republicans, (Mal Contends).

Wisconsin Republicans also present protestations at trial by municipal clerks—representing white, Republican suburbs in Milwaukee's hyper-segregated greater urban area—who said  Republican-enacted election laws help the adminstration of elections. The clerks did not explain how or why.

Wisconsin Republicans also argue that the high voter turn-out in the April 5 Presidential Primary disconfirms the voting rights advocates' challenge of GOP-enacted election laws. DoJ Republicans suggest laws designed to suppress the vote of the non-Republican-voting electorate should be judged on their effect on total voter turn-out and not individual classes of voters such as Latinos, blacks, and college students, a talking point rather than a solid legal argument, (MediaMatters). Consider the hypothetical. If most voters were able to pay a $10 fee to vote, would the successful overcoming of the $10 burden mean that such a hypothetical law is not a violation of the 24th Amendment outlawing polling taxes?

The vast minorities of blacks in Wisconsin live in Milwaukee and southeastern Wisconsin, (Wisconsin Dept. of Heath Services), or as Paul Ryan and fellow Republicans like to point out: The "urban" areas.

In Wisconsin, urban means Milwaukee, Kenosha and Racine counties. Along with Dane County, these four counties comprise some one-third of Wisconsin's 2012 presidential election voting total.

The GOP stops enough 'urban' people voting, and they win.

Republican-enacted laws cut early voting from 30 days before Election Day to 12 days, cut the hours during which voters may cast early voting, (in-person, absentee voting), and restrict early voting to one location per municipality, in the name of uniformity. The city of Milwaukee with a population of 599,164 can only have one early voting location, just like the village of Lannon with a population of 1,092. Most blacks in Wisconsin are concentrated in Milwaukee and southeastern Wisconsin, and it's clear what Republicans aim to achieve: Voter suppression.

If U.S. District Judge James Peterson adopts the logic of Judge Watson, it is likely Peterson will find the Republican laws attacking early voting disproportionately affect minority voters, (2013 Wisconsin Act 146), for example.

The bench trial is scheduled to conclude on Thursday, May 26 and is being heard by U.S. District Judge James Peterson.

May 20, 2016

Wisconsin Voting Rights Trial: GOP's DoJ Is Back to Citing Polls as Constitutional Argument

Wisconsin Republican Party, DoJ Keep Citing Polling in Federal Litigation

At oral argument in the voting rights case, Frank et al v. Walker et al (No.: 14-2058), heard at the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in August 2014, Wisconsin DoJ Assistant Attorney General Clayton Kawski argued Wisconsin's restrictive photo voter ID is constitutional because results of a polling question on voter ID, (Marquette University Law School), showed more Wisconsin citizens favored voter ID than opposed it, (14-2058, Ruthelle Frank v. Scott Walker oral argument, civil,  09/12/2014) (2-minute, 34-second mark).

This argument on voting restrictions' constitutionality conditioned on polling numbers was ridiculed by the Seventh Circuit's three-judge panel.

"What conceivable relevance is a polling number to this litigation?," said Judge Frank Easterbrook, a voting rights opponent and author of the opinion upholding Wisconsin's photo voter ID law.

Seconds later after Judge John Tinder asked Clayton Kawski if popular laws can be unconstitutional, Kawski was forced to backtrack and admit the irrelevance of a polling figure to the constitutional questions.

One Wisconsin Institute v. Nichol 

The polling argument today is back at another Wisconsin voting rights trial, One Wisconsin Institute v. Nichol (U.S. District Court of the Western District of Wisconsin (Case 15-cv-324).

Notes Scott Ross, One Wisconsin Institute Executive Director on Facebook: 

So on day five of our vote trial, I have had my fav moment. The defense, [the Wisconsin DoJ], was asking our expert witness about her research on the absence of voter fraud in Wisconsin elections and noted 'polls show people support voter ID.' Our attorney came back with 'polls show some people believe our president is a Muslim,'

Polling figures as the basis for the constitutionality of laws designed to destroy the vote.

Now, that's a novel argument, but good enough for the Republican Party of Wisconsin and its adjunct operation in the Wisconsin Dept. of Justice.

Why is the Republican Party's DoJ advancing this discredited argument?

May 17, 2016

Scott Walker, Wisconsin Republicans Exposed as Frauds at Voting Rights Trial

A long-time and now-ex Fitchburg, Wisconsin chief election inspector voted in the Wisconsin Spring Election and Presidential Preference election held on April 5, 2016.

Al Potts resigned from the contract position because he wanted no part of perpetuating a fraud on voters through the imposition of Scott Walker and the Republicans' photo voter ID law because the law is intended to suppress voters and render voting as burdensome a process as possible, (Woodward Communications, Inc.).

After exchanging pleasantries with his former colleagues on April 5, Potts had to produce an acceptable photo voter ID to prove he really was Al Potts, a political moderate active in municipal and civic politics, but publicly apolitical in state and national politics.

Potts and voting rights advocates have been proven correct in their assessment of the Republican-enacted law which was found constitutional by Republicans on the Wisconsin Supreme Court in February 2104, and in federal court where a challenge to the law failed on a five-to-five vote at the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in late 2104, (Sommerhauser, WISC-TV), (Mal Contends).

The U.S. Supreme Court denied the petition to grant cert challenging the constitutionality of Wisconsin's voter ID law as a qualification to vote in March 2015, (USA Today).

A federal trial that began May 16, 2106, (One Wisconsin Institute v. Nichol), for the first time introduces evidence of the intent of Republicans to use photo voter ID to block voters by citing the words of Republican legislators, particularly citing voiced intent to frustrate and destroy the vote in "Milwaukee" and on "college campuses" to help win elections for Republicans, (Sneed, TPM; Opoien, The Capital Times).

A motion to hear testimony, evidence and exhibits citing the public and private words of Republican lawmakers to use the voter ID law to win elections by blocking disfavored voters was granted by U.S. District Judge James Peterson on May 13.

On May 16, testimony by one witness, former Republican staffer Todd Allbaugh, offered what appears to be just the beginning of devastating evidence against Wisconsin Republicans' illegal and outlandish intent at the trial.

Al Potts joins voting rights activists, and Judge Richard Posner of the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit in sounding the alarm about Wisconsin Republicans' destroying votes in Republicans' "efforts to disenfranchise voters likely to vote for the political party that does not control the state government," (Posner, Frank v. Walker).

The bench trial is scheduled to end on Thursday, May 26, 2016, (One Wisconsin Institute, Inc., et al v. Nichol, et al, p.1).

Dec 18, 2015

A Legal Challenge to a Wisconsin Voter Obstruction Law

After years of effort to enact laws obstructing non-Republican voters from the polls, Scott Walker and the Republicans may believe they have succeeded on one count: Wisconsin's Photo Voter ID law that could potentially keep some 300,000 voters away from the polls next year, (Posner, Frank v. Walker, On Suggestion of Rehearing En Banc).

Legal challenges to Wisconsin Act 23 (2011) are not over, (Associated Press).

Here I suggest another: A challenge based on violations of Due Process and Equal Protection including elements not seen, that should be contemplated by voting rights advocates.

This concerns the class of "permanent absentee" voters living in Wisconsin, and the inequitable treatment by the state of those who not members of this class—i.e. every other elector who is not an permanent absentee voter, excluding Permanent Overseas Absentee voters.

Federal law (and state law and regulations) demands reasonable accommodations - and rightfully so - for permanent absentee voters who are indefinitely confined because of age, illness, infirmity or disability. Permanent absentee ballot voters need only present a photo voter ID once (and fill out a short form with no supporting medical documentation) at their local municipality clerk's office to become a member of this class, and then receive a mailed absentee ballot in perpetuity before every election.

Currently, most other voters must present one of a range of restrictive photo voter IDs in every voting circumstance, (in-person early voting; voting at the polls and so on), despite the difficulties this poses as discussed in Frank v. Walker and other challenges.

Not all voters are not treated the same under the onerous photo voter ID regime.

This poses the question whether the inequitable treatment of classes by the state towards one class in not having to present a photo ID, and another class having to present such an ID is a violation of the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment under the United States Constitution.

What makes this question different from recent other past challenges is that this line of reasoning argues for a facial challenge of the 2011 Wisconsin Act 23.

"Each eligible elector who is required to register under s. 6.27, who is not a military elector or an overseas elector, who registers by mail, and who has not voted in an election in this state shall, if voting in person, provide an identifying document that establishes proof of residence under sub. (3) or, if voting by absentee ballot, provide a copy of an identifying document that establishes proof of residence under sub.(3).," reads 2011 Wisconsin Act 23.

Neither Act 23 nor the Wisconsin Government Accountability (GAB) website notes a Photo Voter ID, proof of identification, as a condition to vote for permanent absentee voters.

In fact, the GAB notes "proof of identification must be provided only once with the application (unless the voter re-registers with a new name or address)" for absentee voters.

2011 Wisconsin Act 23 is of course a law crafted by Republicans to keep Republicans in power.

Few would argue a remedy for a Due Process and Equal Protection violation inconvenience the infirm or disabled, emphatically for a voter fraud problem that does not exist.

"As there is no evidence that voter impersonation fraud is a problem, how can the fact that a legislature says it's a problem turn it into one? If the Wisconsin legislature says witches are a problem, shall Wisconsin courts be permitted to conduct witch trials?" asks Judge Richard Posner in Frank v. Walker (p.26).

It is indisputable that permanent absentee voters are free to commit voter fraud under Republican and Act 23 theory, without any proof-of-identification check save an initial check by a municipal clerk.

In response to a query, the GAB reports that the "number of permanent absentee voters identified in the Statewide Voter Registration System (SVRS) is 46,419."

The GAB qualifies this figure, noting, "the total number of permanent absentee voters in Wisconsin is unknown. The reason is that only 351 out of 1,853 municipalities used SVRS to manage their list of permanent absentee voters at the most recent statewide election. However, those tend to be the state’s largest municipalities."

To conclude we have a class of approximately 50,000 permanent absentee voters who have no mandated proof-of-identification check, and some 3,018,000 voters [from 2102 Presidential and General Election data] who are burdened by Act 23, including the estimated 300,000 who would see their franchise destroyed, absent a federal injunction.

A federal lawsuit is called for seeking injunctive relief invalidating this unconstitutional law.

Sep 26, 2014

Seventh Circuit Denies Wisc Voter ID En Banc Motion Five-to-Five

Next step is a likely Emergency Petition to the U.S. Supreme Court for the right to vote.

Desperate Scott Walker will of course oppose petition to the U.S. Supreme Court, the more Wisconsin voters casting their preference the more likely Scott Walker loses.

Writes Rick Hasen: "... this is a really egregious order changing the rules midstream in violation of the Supreme Court’s own admonition in the Purcell v. Gonzalez case; and (b) now that the Court has before it the Ohio case, presenting a similar section 2 Voting Rights Act issue but with much worse facts for voting rights advocates, it would be better for this to be up there at the same time.  So there’s not much to lose to get this case before the Court at the same time."

The Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit writes: "On September 12, 2014, a panel of this court stayed the injunction that the district court had issued. Plaintiffs have filed a motion for reconsideration, asking the court to vacate the stay and reinstate the injunction. The panel that issued the stay has voted to deny the motion for reconsideration. A judge called for a vote on the request for a hearing en banc. That request is denied by an equally divided court. Chief Judge Wood and Judges Posner, Rovner, Williams, and Hamilton voted to hear this matter en banc. In the coming days, members of the court may file opinions explaining their votes."

The ludicrous rulings piling up, around the world press is starting to take notice.

The ACLU released the following comment:

CHICAGO — The full Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals today declined to rehear a three-judge panel's order reinstating Wisconsin's voter ID law prior to the midterm election. The vote was split evenly, 5-5, meaning the panel's order stands. Neither the panel nor the full court has yet ruled on the actual merits of the law, which was found unconstitutional by a federal judge in April. The American Civil Liberties Union is challenging the law, and petitioned for a full appeals court review following the panel's order on September 12 allowing the law to take effect. The ACLU presented oral arguments to the panel that day asking the court to uphold the April decision striking down the law as unconstitutional and in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

The following is a statement from Dale Ho, director of the ACLU's Voting Rights Project:

"Allowing this law to take effect so close to the midterm election is a recipe for chaos, voter confusion, and disenfranchisement. The court could have avoided this pandemonium and given Wisconsin voters a chance to cast their ballots free of obstruction. It failed to do so, and we are evaluating our next step."

The ACLU, the ACLU of Wisconsin, the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, and Dechert LLP are co-counsel in this case, Frank v. Walker, challenging Wisconsin's voter ID law.

At trial last November, the groups presented evidence showing that hundreds of thousands of Wisconsin voters lacked ID; that African-American and Latino voters, who have been subjected to historical and continuing segregation and discrimination in Wisconsin, were far more likely to lack ID and the documents needed to get ID than whites; that there are significant burdens imposed on voters trying to get ID; and that the government lacks strong enough reason to impose these burdens. A federal court agreed and struck down the law on April 29, prompting the state's appeal.

A copy of today's ruling is at:
aclu.org/voting-rights/frank-v-walker-order

More information about this case is at:
aclu.org/voting-rights/frank-v-walker-fighting-voter-suppression-wisconsin

Meahwhile, named co-plaintiff, Ruthelle Frank writes in The Guardian: "I’ve been registered to vote since 1948. But once Republicans passed the [Voter ID] law, I was asked to prove I’m not an ‘illegal alien.'"

Sep 24, 2014

Scott Walker Brief Cites Falsehood in Absentee Voters, Confusion Reigns

Scott Walker's brief opposing a judicial order blocking Photo Voter ID asserts, "GAB (Wisconsin Governmental Accountability Board) provided local election officials with draft communications that are to be sent to every voter who has requested an absentee ballot, thereby informing those voters to provide a copy of their photo ID to local election officials."

After initial reports in the press of the Wisconsin Governmental Accountability Board (GAB) saying a copy of a Photo Voter ID could be sent with an absentee ballot already sent out, it turns out voters cannot receive absentee ballots unless their first present a Photo ID at City Hall in person.

This was only for some absentee voters.

The following excerpt from a letter sent by the City of Fitchburg to some other absentee voters attempting to interpret the GAB communications reads:

So, some absentee ballot voters (often disabled) have to make a trip to City Hall, present an ID and then receive an absentee ballot in the mail, according to the email above and a hardcopy letter.

"Clerks now have to follow up with three sets of voters — those who have requested absentee ballots but haven't been mailed one; those who have been sent absentee ballots but haven't returned them; and those who have already turned in their absentee ballots. Kennedy didn't have a breakdown of how many people fell into each group," notes Patrick Marley in the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel.

Municipal clerks are struggling to make sense of GAB communiques, according to a Fitchburg City Hall source, as the GAB has resembled a cheerleader more than an agency ensuring Wisconsin voters get to vote.

Assisting a disabled voter yesterday, I was told that the voter could in fact send a copy of a Photo Voter ID with the ballot, but when I presented the letter saying first the voter had to come to City Hall and present an ID to get the ballot sent, the staffer said the GAB communications have been "confusing."

Catch 22 and confusion. For Scott Walker, mission accomplished.

Scott Walker Asks for Voter ID Chaos; Argues Against Vacating Stay Citing Confusion

"Plaintiffs [civil rights groups] focus on a very small number of voters who they speculate will have problems obtaining qualifying ID, but this focus on a fraction of the electorate is not a justification to revisit the panel’s Order" reads Scott Walker's brief against vacating a stay of Wisconsin Photo Voter ID law, passed with exclusive Republican support. (p.3)

Walker's very small number: 300,000 registered Wisconsin votes, who are unlikely to vote for Scott Walker.

Walker argues vacating the stay will cause "confusion," though he has made numerous requests for staying the law, vowing to have in Voter ID in place for Election Day, granting while the election had already begun. (p.7)

Rick Hasen has the story of the next step in appellate court; in sum law, reason and facts do not play well with Republican judicial activists.

Sep 18, 2014

Court Gives Scott Walker until Sept. 23 to Decide to Contest Emergency Petition on Voter ID Law

Scott Walker has until September 23 to decide to contest the Emergency Petition filed by civil rights groups to protect Wisconsin voters' right to vote.

A Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit's panel released yesterday its Scheduling Order to decide whether to grant an en banc (full court) hearing.

Scott Walker gets to decide if he should block non-Republican voters from voting or do the right thing and throw in with voting rights groups.

Wonder what Walker will do.

Scott Walker and the Republicans passed Act 23, Wisconsin's Photo Voter ID law, to disenfranchise as many non-Republican voters as possible.

A federal trial found as fact that minorities, college students and other legal voters would be disenfranchised.

An array of civil rights groups filed an Emergency Petition to vacate the appellate court's stay issued last Friday of the injunction on Act 23.

The Court of Appeals order was issued just 53 days before Election Day, and before administrative rules implementing Act 23 were even published in an astonishing order that threatens to throw the Wisconsin election to Scott Walker.

This election result would appear to be on the minds of U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh District judges: Frank Easterbrook, Diane Sykes and John Tinder, appointed by Republicans and at least two of whom, now three have shown more allegiance to Party than to law.

The 11th-hour order was released as the Wisconsin election was already underway, causing massive confusion and likely blocking 1,000s of citizens from voting, on top of the 10,000s the Voter ID law already is almost certain to stop from voting.

Sep 17, 2014

Calls for Fed DoJ Intervention in Wisconsin as an Election Is Rigged in Plain Sight

Black, brown, yellow and young need not vote here, says Republican Party, backed by Frank Easterbrook and the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit

The message could not be clearer as each new Republican Party election law this spring was pushed through with minimal public input, with a GOP machine demonization project of the League of Women Voters of Wisconsin, referring to the League as "Vultures."

Republican candidates refuse to participate in debates sponsored by the League for opposing a package of GOP bills designed to obstruct voters likely to vote non-Republican.

Now, the GOP is attempting to steal the election in plain sight, and disenfranchise 10,000s in a best-case scenario.

We need the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice to intervene.

On Election Day from GOP-aligned "observers" newly empowered with the power to harass to a ridiculous order from three Republican judges changing the rules for voter ID on the eve of the election, federal help is needed.

It used to be considered in bad form to identify the party of the president who appointed a federal judge when discussing cases judges deliberate, but the federal judiciary has too often gone along with the Republican, quasi-fascist project that degrades the formal structures and foundations of our democracy.

Members of the federal judiciary ought to have no more credibility with the American public than any other politician.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit judges are:

Wood - Clinton
Bauer - Ford (Senior status)
Cudahy - Carter (Senior status)
Posner - Reagan
Flaum - Reagan
Easterbrook - Nixon (learned a few tricks from the disgraced president about fixing elections and dirty tricks)
Ripple - Reagan (Senior status)
Manion - Reagan (Senior status)
Kanne - Reagan
Rovner - H.W. Bush
Williams - Clinton
Sykes - W. Bush
Tinder - W. Bush
Hamilton - Obama

---
Q: What is a senior judge?
The "Rule of 80" is the commonly used shorthand for the age and service requirement for a judge to assume senior status, as set forth in Title 28 of the US. Code, Section 371(c). Beginning at age 65, a judge may retire at his or her current salary or take senior status after performing 15 years of active service as an Article III judge (65+15 = 80). A sliding scale of increasing age and decreasing service results in eligibility for retirement compensation at age 70 with a minimum of 10 years of service (70+10=80). Senior judges, who essentially provide volunteer service to the courts, typically handle about 15 percent of the federal courts' workload annually. (United States Courts)

ACLU Files Emergency Appeal to Vacate Stay of Appellate Panel, Protect the Vote

Update: Emergency petition can be found here.

The ACLU has filed an Emergency Petition for a Rehearing En Banc (before the full Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit) Tuesday in an effort to halt the Wisconsin Voter ID law and save the voting rights of 10,000s of Wisconsin citizens.

This legal case is a partisan issue. The Republican Party of Wisconsin remain hostile to voting rights of all eligible Wisconsin citizens while Democratic Party takes the position of defending the voting rights of all eligible Wisconsin citizens.

Make no mistake, Scott Walker and J.B. Van Hollen are attempting to steal this election by disenfranchising Wisconsin voters.

The Emergency Petition notes last Friday panel's order "involves a question of exceptional importance under Fed. R. App. P. 35(b)(1)(B) because it imposes a radical, last-minute change to procedures for conducting an election that is already underway. The risk of disenfranchisement from imposing such a last-minute disruption far outweighs the non-existent harm to the state of maintaining the status quo and not requiring photo ID for one more election. Supreme Court precedent and other Circuits uniformly caution against such eleventh-hour changes to the election laws, even where those courts have approved such changes for future elections. ..."

... It is not only unreasonable, but also mathematically, logically, and physically impossible that by November 4, hundreds of thousands of voters will learn about the need for ID, especially given the total Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 623  suspension of public information about the law for two and one-half years, collect multiple required documents, get to a DMV office, and obtain the ID suddenly required by staying the District Court‟s injunction last Friday afternoon. Doing so would require Wisconsin to issue some 6,000 photo IDs per day between now and the election. ..."

... The Petition notes that a "fundamental change in election procedures just before an election will sow confusion among voters and elections officials. ..."  

... The panel's decision to allow Act 23 to go into effect at this late date virtually guarantees substantial chaos in election administration and resulting voter confusion and disenfranchisement in the November elections. This will be contrary to the public interest, and will undermine voter confidence."

The EMERGENCY PETITION FOR REHEARING AND SUGGESTION FOR REHEARING EN BANC OF PANEL ORDER GRANTING MOTION TO STAY statement and argument are below [footnotes, citations and other characters such as page numbers are included):

STATEMENT REQUIRED BY FED R. APP. P. 35(b)(1) Pursuant to Fed. R. App. P. 2, 35(b), 40 Plaintiffs-Appellees file this Emergency Petition for Rehearing En Banc, which should be granted for two reasons:
First, the panel decision involves a question of exceptional importance under Fed. R. App. P. 35(b)(1)(B) because it imposes a radical, last-minute change to procedures for conducting an election that is already underway. The risk of disenfranchisement from imposing such a last-minute disruption far outweighs the non-existent harm to the state of maintaining the status quo and not requiring photo ID for one more election. Supreme Court precedent and other Circuits uniformly caution against such eleventh-hour changes to the election laws, even where those courts have approved such changes for future elections. See Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006).

Second, the panel‟s extraordinary decision to grant a stay pending appeal – which altered rather than maintained the status quo – ignored the four-factor test for such relief set forth by the United States Supreme Court in Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 434 (2009), and the Court‟s admonition against last-minute reversals of lower court election law rulings in Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4-5 (2006).

Specifically, the panel decision failed to consider that issuance of the stay and the consequent slapdash implementation of a complex law – which was designed to have a rollout period of 8 months before a primary and 16 months before a general election – “will substantially injure” the rights of voters without ID, and that “the Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 622  public interest lies” strongly against fundamentally changing the rules of an election on the eve of the election, particularly where absentee voting is already underway. In addition, the panel decision failed to consider seriously one of the “most critical” factors. Defendants will not be “irreparably injured absent a stay,” Nken, 556 U.S. at 434, if the election proceeds without a photo ID requirement, as has been the case in all but one election in Wisconsin‟s history.

STATEMENT OF THE CASE

Wisconsin adopted Act 23 in the spring of 2011 to require voters to present one of a limited number of forms of photo ID to vote in-person or, with very limited exceptions, by absentee ballot. Act 23 was in effect for only one low-turnout primary in February 2012, after which it was enjoined by state and federal courts. In light of the injunctions, Wisconsin suspended the photo ID requirement itself and all implementation of the Act, including training of the 1,852 municipal clerks who run Wisconsin elections and tens of thousands of poll workers, and all public information and educational outreach to voters for two and a half years. In this case, the district court found that approximately 300,000 voters do not have the most common form of ID that would now be needed to vote on November 4 (exactly 7 weeks from today), which is an unexpired driver‟s license or state-issued photo ID. See Frank v. Walker, No. 11–CV–01128, 12–CV–00185, 2014 WL 1775432, at *11 (E.D. Wis. Apr. 29, 2014). It is not only unreasonable, but also mathematically, logically, and physically impossible that by November 4, hundreds of thousands of voters will learn about the need for ID, especially given the total Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 623  suspension of public information about the law for two and one-half years, collect multiple required documents, get to a DMV office, and obtain the ID suddenly required by staying the District Court‟s injunction last Friday afternoon. Doing so would require Wisconsin to issue some 6,000 photo IDs per day between now and the election.  Nevertheless, on September 12, 2014, a panel of this Court granted Defendants‟ motion for a stay of the district court‟s injunction forbidding implementation of the photo ID requirement. By granting a stay on the eve of this year‟s elections, with thousands of absentee ballots already in the mail, the panel decision forces a radical change in election procedures with no time for preparation, training, or outreach. Such a radical change is improper when a state‟s “election machinery is already in progress.” Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 585 (1964).  Moreover, the panel‟s decision referenced submissions by Defendants tendered several hours after oral argument, see ECF 61, concerning the state‟s new policies (apparently adopted a day earlier) responding to the Wisconsin State Supreme Court‟s decision in Milwaukee Branch of NAACP v. Walker, 2014 WI 98, ¶¶ 62-63 (July 31, 2014) (NAACP). That case, recognizing the “severe burdens” imposed by Act 23, required the Wisconsin Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV) to make free IDs available to those who would otherwise have to pay for documents like birth certificates to get ID. 2014 WI 98, ¶ 70. After six weeks, with no official action, counsel for Defendants announced for the first time during oral argument on September 12, 2014, that DMV had issued new emergency rules that purport to Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 624  address the identified deficiencies. Before and during argument, Plaintiffs had no opportunity to view these rules, much less question or dispute them. Defendants filed them after oral argument concluded. ECF 61. Soon thereafter, and without affording Plaintiffs any opportunity to respond, the panel issued the stay, reasoning that NAACP and the state‟s new policies “reduce[] the likelihood of irreparable injury” to plaintiffs and “change the balance of equities.” ECF 64 at 2.  The panel‟s decision to allow immediate implementation of Act 23 this close to an election will sow chaos at the polls and undermine election integrity and public confidence in the November 4 election. The decision raises questions of voting rights and election administration that are of exceptional public importance.  Fed. R. App. P. 35(a)(2). The risk of disenfranchisement and electoral chaos from granting a stay far outweighs the abstract harm to the state in delaying photo ID for one more election. Plaintiffs therefore request that this Court reconsider the panel‟s decision or review the panel‟s decision en banc on an expedited basis and vacate the stay order, which will simply preserve the status quo while the panel reviews the merits of the appeal.1 See Fed. R. App. P. 35(a) (providing for en banc review of an appeal “or other proceeding”); Flower Cab Co. v. Petitte, 685 F.2d 192, 195 (7th Cir. 1982) (Court of Appeals has power to grant rehearing or rehearing en                                                  1 Plaintiffs request that consideration of this petition be expedited pursuant Fed. R. App. P. 2. Time is of the essence to avoid a rush to implement Act 23 without adequate training or preparation, which is already causing confusion among voters, elections officials, clerks and poll workers that will inevitably interfere with election administration and lead to the unnecessary and unlawful disfranchisement of many voters. See 16A Wright, Miller & Cooper, Federal Practice & Procedure: Jurisdiction 3d § 3948, at 25 (1999); 1967 Advisory Committee Note to Fed. R. App. P. 2; Groendyke Transport, Inc. v. Davis, 406 F.2d 1158, 1162 (5th Cir. 1969).  Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 625  banc of a stay granted by a panel of the Court).

ARGUMENT

As the Supreme Court explained in Nken, courts must consider four factors when deciding whether a stay is warranted: (1) whether the stay applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to succeed on the merits; (2) whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay; (3) whether issuance of the stay will substantially injure the other parties interested in the proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies.  556 U.S. at 434 (citations omitted). “The first two factors of the traditional standard are the most critical.”  Id. The “party requesting a stay bears the burden of showing that the circumstances justify” a stay. Id. Here, by failing to balance the dramatic harm to the public and to voters who currently lack ID in changing the rules of an election at the eleventh-hour against the lack of any irreparable harm to the state in waiting to implement photo ID for one election, the panel‟s decision fails to heed the proper standard articulated in Nken, and should be overturned.

I.  FUNDAMENTALLY CHANGING THE RULES JUST BEFORE AN ELECTION WILL SUBSTANTIALLY HARM THIRD PARTIES AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST WITH NO APPRECIABLE BENEFIT TO THE STATE  In issuing the stay, the panel made no finding as to the effect of its decision on other parties and the public interest. This omission is particularly glaring because this factor points decisively against a stay.  A. No court has permitted a voter ID law to go into effect this close to an election based on last-minute changes to the law.  Last-minute orders changing election procedures – particularly from an Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 626  appellate court reversing a district court – are strongly disfavored, because “[c]ourt orders affecting elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will increase.”  Purcell, 549 U.S. at 4-5. No court has permitted a voter ID law to take effect based on purported ameliorative changes adopted this close to an election. For examplehttp://www.jsonline.com/news/appeals-panel- questions-why-voter-id-shouldnt-be-in-place-nov-4-b99350157z1-274904111.html, The record was clear before the stay that this was likely to be the case. See ECF 53 (Plaintiffs-Appellees‟ Opposition to Defendants-Appellants' Expedited Motion to Stay Permanent Injunction Pending Appeal and ECF 56-2 at 3 (Declaration of Kevin J. Kennedy).  4 See Dee J. Hall, Absentee ballots already cast will need photo ID, elections official says, NEWS REPUBLIC (Sept. 16, 2014), http://www.wiscnews.com/baraboonewsrepublic/news/state-and- regional/article_3de3068c-18f3-5887-bb10-3648b28d6eab.html; Patrick Marley, Voters who returned absentee ballots must send ID copies, J. SENTINEL (Sept. 16, 2014), http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/ballot-fight-is-brewing-as-state- scrambled-on-voter-id-b99352576z1-275311521.html.  Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 629  way, printing the ballots. Absentee ballots have indeed already been sent . . . .”); Fishman v. Schaeffer, 429 U.S. 1325, 1330 (1976) (Marshall, Circuit Justice) (denying “extraordinary relief” where absentee ballots were being printed and distributed).5 Even Defendants‟ trial witness municipal clerk Diane Hermann-Brown admitted the stay “complicates the election for clerks because it comes as voters are already requesting and in some cases receiving absentee ballots.”6  C. Voters without ID will be substantially harmed by a stay, given their lack of information and inability to rapidly obtain ID.    On the eve of an election, “the Court of Appeals was required to weigh  . . . considerations specific to election cases,” and to “give deference to the discretion of the District Court.” Purcell, 549 US at 4. Failure to do so constitutes error. Id. Yet the panel failed to consider the “substantial harm” to 300,000 registered voters that the district court found lack ID,7 many of whom do not use ID in their daily lives or who have a form of ID, like Veterans‟ Administration ID, that is not acceptable for voting.8 Frank 2014 WL 1775432, at 2. These voters have no reason to know they 5 See also Nader v. Blackwell, 230 F.3d 833, 834-35 (6th Cir. 2000) (inappropriate to change party-identification procedures after absentee ballots already printed and mailed); Perry v. Judd, 471 Fed. Appx. 219, 2012 WL 120076, at *8 (4th Cir. Jan. 17, 2012) (change in rules after absentee ballots already printed would be improper); cf., Williams, 393 U.S. at 35 (last minute ballot change could interfere with rights of absentee voters). 6 Jason Stein and Patrick Marley, Absentee ballot mailings halted in push to restart voter ID law, J. SENTINEL, http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/clerks- elections-officials-scramble-to-reinstate-voter-id-law-b99351689z1-275146501.html 7 Many voters who have obtained ID since 2011 were not new voters without ID, but voters renewing ID or replacing lost or stolen ID cards. Frank v. Walker, 11-CV- 01128, 2014 WL 1775432 at 38 (E.D. Wis. Apr. 29, 2014). 8 The stay will also impose substantial harm on student voters. Regular student ID Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6210  would even need ID to vote less than two months from now, because the Government Accountability Board (GAB), which administers elections, suspended all public information and outreach about the law in March 2012. NAACP, 2014 WI 98 at ¶¶ 15-16. Cf. South Carolina, 898 F. Supp. 2d at 49-50 (insufficient time for voters to learn requirements and obtain ID); U.S. Student Ass'n v. Land, 546 F.3d 373, 387-8 (6th Cir. 2008) (voter confusion that would result from stay constitutes harm to others and to public interest). But Act 23 will offer no fail-safe affidavit option for voters without ID, rendering this law materially different from Indiana‟s. Contrast, Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Elections Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 185-6 (2008). Although Act 23 required public information and voter assistance, id. at §§ 95, 144(1), GAB had no intention of even developing a new plan for public information and outreach until 2015, much less a plan that can be implemented to reach voters in less than two months to ensure that these voters understand Act 23, how to get ID, and the new procedures for obtaining it.9  Defendants‟ emergency rules will not even be published until September 17.10  Other than press releases,                                                                                                                                                              cards are not acceptable for voting in Wisconsin and colleges‟ plans to produce alternative voting IDs that expired no more than two years after issuance were reportedly put on hold after the injunctions. Jason Stein and Patrick Marley, Absentee ballot mailings halted in push to restart voter ID law, J. SENTINEL, http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/clerks-elections-officials-scramble-to- reinstate-voter-id-law-b99351689z1-275146501.html  9 See, http://gab.wi.gov/sites/default/files/event/74/09_04_14_gab_complete_open_session_a genda_material_20954.pdf (at 76; p. 79 of PDF) (stating that GAB will be in a better position to develop plan for effective use of state funds to meet voter ID law objectives after Jan. 1, 2015).  10 ECF 61-1, third link at p. 3 (Letter to Legislative Reference Bureau.) Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6211  there has been no apparent public information or outreach, and the state “has no money available” for further public outreach.11  Furthermore, it does not appear that DMV staff have been fully and uniformly trained to implement the new procedures.12 DMV has only 92 offices statewide, (Frank, 2014 WL 1775432 at 15); and in 48 counties representing over a quarter of the state‟s population, those offices are open only two days a week for a total of ten hours.13 DMV is simply incapable of processing a substantial number of applications from the 300,000 registered voters without ID. Nor are the new rules a panacea. All voters still have to obtain and produce proof of identity and residency and travel to DMV.14 Voters who do not have birth certificates in their possession must complete a petition form with information relevant to the date and circumstances of birth. This initiates a two-step verification procedure. First, the DMV shall provide the birth information to the department of health services and attempt to obtain verification of the                                                  11 See Marley, supra note 4. 12 A “DMV hotline worker told us they're still getting up to speed with the new procedure and that it just came down yesterday, so clearly, the agency is still working through this.”  “New voter ID law rules cause confusion,” CBS58 News (Sept. 13, 2014, updated  Sept. 14, 2014), viewed 9/14/14 at http://www.cbs58.com/news/local-news/New-voter-ID-law.html ) 13 Todd Milewski, Clock is ticking to get a Wisconsin voter ID before November election, faster in some areas, THE CAP TIMES, http://host.madison.com/news/local/writers/todd-milewski/clock-is-ticking-to-get-a- wisconsin-voter-id-before/article_d1346760-3cf1-11e4-9560-df1946b2278e.html  14 See, e.g., Ann-Elise Henzl, Agencies, Advocates Await Word on How to Help Wisconsin Voters Obtain Photo IDs, MILWAUKEE PUBLIC RADIO, http://wuwm.com/post/agencies-advocates-await-word-how-help-wisconsin-voters- obtain-photo-ids. Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6212  information. ECF 61-2 at 8 (Sec. 11 (creating Wis. Adm. Code Trans. 102.15(5m)(2)1.) DMV warns Wisconsin-born voters that the process may take seven business days to complete. Attachment A. In addition, efforts to implement matching procedures involving different database formats routinely experience severe and unexpected problems and delays.15 If that does not verify required information, then DMV must notify the applicant that the applicant needs to provide other documents, and a DMV administrator or his delegate then has discretion to accept alternatives such as hospital records, baptismal certificates, or other such records. Id. at 8-9 (creating Wis. Adm. Code Trans. 102.15(5m)(2)2.)  ECF 61-2 at 8 (Sec. 11 (creating Wis. Adm. Code Trans. 102.15(5m)(2)1.) Moreover, DMV currently has an agreement to verify birth information only with Wisconsin’s vital records office.16 Even though Election Day is now only seven weeks away, GAB has indicated that the verification process could take eight weeks for voters born in other states.17  Indeed, no formal verification system has been set up for these voters. The state represented at oral argument that this process is ongoing, but the state has reportedly done no more than notify other states of its rules.18 DMV itself is telling voters that “for voters born in another                                                  15 See, e.g, Coverage in jeopardy for 40% of HealthCare.gov enrollees, http://www.consumerreports.org/cro/news/2014/06/40-percent-of-healthcare-gov- accounts-in-jeopardy/index.htm (describing database matching problems in implementation of HealthCare.gov). 16 (WI Dept. of Trans. http://www.dot.state.wi.us/news/releases/031- nr20140910.html) 17 See Hall, supra note 4. 18 Ann-Elise Henzl, Voter ID: No Birth Certificate Needed to Apply for Wisconsin ID Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6213  state or country, the length of the process will depend upon how long it takes the other government agency to respond to Wisconsin‟s request for information.” Attachment A.  Thus, thousands of Wisconsin voters – especially those born elsewhere – are unlikely to benefit from the new procedures in time to vote. Almost 47% of eligible Milwaukee voters without ID were born outside Wisconsin. (A.187.)  This population is disproportionately comprised of Blacks and Latinos, who are more likely than whites to lack both ID and a document needed to get ID, such as birth certificates, Frank 2014 WL 1775432 at 29-30.19  The fate of voters whose birth records are not verified through this matching process will rest in the hands of front-line DMV employees, who will be charged with deciding when and whether alternative documents are acceptable, a situation that has led to arbitrary and disparate treatment in the past and has not gotten ID to voters. See Frank, 2014 WL 1775432 at 16 n. 18 and n. 20.ECF 61-2 at 8-9 (Wis. Adm. Code Trans. 102.15(5m)(2)2). Cf. Louisiana v. United States, 380 U.S. 145, 153 (1965).  D.  A fundamental change in election procedures just before an election will sow confusion among voters and elections officials.   The panel‟s decision to allow Act 23 to go into effect at this late date virtually
                                                                                                                                                             at DMV Office, http://wuwm.com/post/voter-id-no-birth-certificate-needed-apply- wisconsin-id-dmv-office. 19 See also, Frank 11-CV-01128, 2014 WL 1775432 at 30 n. 37 (“Many Latino voters who were born in Puerto Rico will have trouble obtaining their birth certificates because the Puerto Rican government annulled all birth certificates of individuals born there prior to 2010. . . . 16.7% of eligible Latino[ voters] in Milwaukee County were born in Puerto Rico and 38.4% of those born in Puerto Rico ha[ve] yet to obtain a new birth certificate.”) Case: 14-2058      Document: 65-1            Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6214  guarantees substantial chaos in election administration and resulting voter confusion and disenfranchisement in the November elections. This will be contrary to the public interest, and will undermine voter confidence. The necessary steps to implement Act 23 – which originally contemplated an eight-month implementation period – cannot be completed in time for this fall‟s election cycle.20 See Fr. Ex. 635 at 74 (deposition testimony of former GAB Elections Division head Robinson) (“This is a new sweeping law with a lot of nuances, and for poll workers who do not do this as a matter of their daily jobs . . . the facts that should be known, the basic facts, in fact, are many times not known.”). The GAB will have to figure out how to retrain the 1,852 municipal clerks who run elections in Wisconsin, roughly one-fifth of all the clerks in charge of elections in the nation,21 as well as ensuring immediate retraining of tens of thousands of poll workers. This process is neither easy nor straightforward, see, e.g., Doc. 53-1 at 15, as Act 23 is extremely complex. Clerks and poll workers must learn exactly what forms of ID are acceptable (e.g., only some specialized college IDs, not regular student IDs) and what IDs are not (e.g., Veterans‟ Administration ID), which IDs are valid despite varying permissible expiration dates, and whether and to what extent the name, 20 Act 23‟s photo ID provisions were scheduled to have a “soft implementation” beginning on July 1, 2011, and to not take mandatory effect until the February 2012 low turnout primary. Id., § 144 (2); http://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/2011/related/acts/23 ; Tr. 908. 21  See, e.g., Jason Stein and Larry Sandler, 1850 municipal clerks another complication, J. SENTINEL, http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/119373789.html  These clerks also have a 20-25% annual turnover rate, Tr. 889-90, and thus many were never trained on voter ID. Case: 14-2058& Document: 65-1 Filed: 09/16/2014      Pages: 6215  photograph, signature, or address on the ID has to match voter registration data.22

II. ALLOWING THE SAME ELECTION PROCEDURES TO REMAIN IN PLACE FOR ONE MORE ELECTION DOES NOT RESULT IN IRREPARABLE HARM TO THE STATE 

When weighed against such a substantial risk of election official confusion and disenfranchisement, the error of the panel‟s decision is all the more important because of its failure to consider “whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay.” Nken, 556 U.S. at 434. Other circuits have rejected stay motions when the government has not sustained its burden on this factor. See, e.g., Ohio State Conf. NAACP v. Husted, 2014 WL 4494938, (6th Cir. Sept. 12, 2014) (denying stay where “Defendants did not carry their burden to demonstrate that they will suffer more than a mere „possibility‟ of irreparable harm.”) Id. 

CONCLUSION

It is not too late to avert this impending disaster. GAB Executive Director Kevin Kennedy has stated publicly that his agency would cease efforts to implement this law “if ordered to stop by a court order.”23 For the reasons set forth herein, this Court should so order. Plaintiffs request that this Court reconsider or reconsider en banc its Sept. 12, 2014 ruling and vacate the stay that was issued.