Showing posts with label industrial farm animal production (IFAP). Show all posts
Showing posts with label industrial farm animal production (IFAP). Show all posts

Jul 14, 2016

Wisconsin Manure Spill Brings Water Contamination Warnings in Beautiful Region

Calumet County in Wisconsin is on the eastern shore of the huge inland lake, Winnebago.

As recently as the 1970s-80s, swimmers in the summer could hug the lake shore from Fond du Lac and swim north some 10 miles to the Columbia Park observation tower to meet friends, and if she were young and had not consumed too many beers, head north to Calumet County

Beautiful area. County and state parks and campsites dot the lake, a little to the south lies the awe-inspiring Kettle Moraine region.

Summer news reports the latest injection of 10,000s of gallons of liquid cow manure into Lake Winnebago has resulted in water contamination warnings.

Observers may ask why the water poisoners, industrial agricultural operations, are allowed to toxify the waters, (WLUK-TV, Wisconsin Public Radio), and why contamination is now a frequent occurrence in Wisconsin surface and ground waters.

Why would some ass do this and why isn't water protection a top priority in Wisconsin?

Because the poisoner, named Gordon Speirs—president of the Dairy Business Association and owner of the industrialized Shiloh Dairy LLC CAFO in Calumet County in the city of Brillion, Wisconsin—and industrialized agriculture make big money, and not polluting would be a cost to them.

Speirs and his ilk do not care about the costs to the waters that they treat like sewers in which they dump their untreated cow manure.

Protection of clean water falls to the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources and Wisconsin Department of Justice. Both agencies are now Republican operations funded ultimately by Republican donors who will not tolerate state and country efforts to protect safe and clean water.

As Big Ag has taken over the state with the toxic CAFO business model, areas such as east-central Wisconsin take a big hit.

These are costs Big Ag is willing to see the people of Wisconsin pay for the profits of Big Ag.

Big Ag has purchased the Wisconsin governor, the Wisconsin attorney general, Wisconsin Republican legislators, and many county governments in this largely rural state.

As Wisconsin lakes, streams and aquifers are contaminated each year by industrial CAFOs, many people will leave the state, fleeing what is becoming a colony for corporations protected by Republicans.

Young friends and lovers will have to find other ways than swimming of meeting in the Wisconsin summers.

Pollution of water is bad and getting worse, and polluters across Wisconsin are more brazen in how they tell clean water advocates to get lost.

A large summit addressing water polluters is planned for September in Green Bay.

In Kewaunee County Wisconsin, northeast of Lake Winnebago, the chair of the Kewaunee County Land and Water Conservation Committee is a polluter and member of the Dairy Business Association (DBA), who uses his country committee chairmanship to protect other DBA polluters.

From the Green Press Gazette:

Pagel promises obstruction

Claiming that significant “momentum” is underway by farmers in Kewaunee County and defining that as the “right direction” to be finding a balance between clean water, public health and industrial dairy financial profit, while addressing known groundwater pollution in Kewaunee County, John Pagel, the county’s largest liquid manure producer and chair of the Kewaunee County Land and Water Conservation Committee, declared his personal inflexibility on the issue of groundwater pollution regulation with a public accusation that forces are trying to stymie that “momentum,” when he finished his sentence with, “there are some people that are trying to take that away from us, but I’m not going to let them.”

Pagel then insinuated the existence of a near insolvable rift in the Groundwater Work Group membership by literally pointing to the members sitting on either end of the tables, and to their needing to begin working together, and that they hadn’t been doing so thus far when he repeatedly insisted the sooner cooperation ensued, the better. That statement seemed exceptionally hypocritical coming from the work group member who just declared his intended obstruction to recommendations being reported from the Groundwater Work Group.

Mr Pagel went on to employ what easily fits the definition of the proverbial “victim” card, claiming that the factions needed to begin to work together, “… without accusations and insulting and so on and so forth …” Ask yourself, who appears to be making accusations and who appears to be issuing actual insults? Perhaps another definition, “psychological projection,” should be recommended research for those who don’t know of it.

The unmistakable initial value of the public meeting and presentation of the June 2016 Groundwater Work Group Report for Kewaunee County, to me, seems quite obvious. A self-declared obstructionist to the reported direction for addressing groundwater pollution, which may not fit one person’s interests or views as to the “proper” direction to pursue, currently chairs the county committee which is tasked with bringing resolutions for those pollutant solutions officially before the Kewaunee County Board of Supervisors for further action.

The sentiment from those people attending, overwhelmingly appeared to be, let us finally begin to implement the solutions being presented and a call for immediate action. Despite their county corporation counsel’s opinion about what constitutes a legal conflict of interest, the removal and replacement of a county supervisor from an initially appointed committee chair position, to the best of my understanding, does not require that high of a legal bar to begin that said removal action. My understanding is that any committee chairperson serves solely at the pleasure of the county board chair.

Donald Freix
Fish Creek

May 27, 2016

Industrialized Agriculture Equals Greed, Says Central Wisconsin

'We will push back at every turn, we will put every available road block in their path, we will stage the biggest, most public, most aggressive, fight possible to stop this Factory Farm from entering our community'

Most people have never heard of the town of Saratoga in Wood County, or the town of Rome in Adams County or the Tri-Lakes Management in Nekoosa, Wisconsin.

Even as socially conscious residents work to promote their communities' recreational and tourism attractions, there is a predator in Central Wisconsin, the so-called Wysocki Family of Companies.

Wysocki wants to build a massive CAFO, (Confined Agriculture Feeding Operation), and literally poison its neighbors while the Wysocki family lives far away from its industrialized pollution.

Entire communities are fighting Wysocki.

By Criste Greening of Saratoga Concerned

WYSOCKI = GREED

I hesitate to even waste my time with this post. However, in response to trolls who have hit our site commenting on our videos, I feel it is important the TRUE Family Farmers who are with us in this fight hear from us once again how appreciative we are of their support and ethical farming practices. Including, and most importantly, our appreciation for the healthy stewardship of the lands they work. Large or small a TRUE family farmer cares about his animals, his lands, and the community in which he resides. We appreciate and thank these folks immensely.

TRUE family farmers do not lock their animals up on concrete slabs never allowing them to see the light of day, decreasing their life span immensely. Yes, they use manure to fertilize their soils and keep them healthy. They do not use manure that is loaded with toxic chemicals from footbaths, cleaning residue from hundreds of milk trucks, & industrial waste. Yes - industrial waste, which is everything from mill sludge, factory by product, to the blood, guts, and pauch of slaughterhouse animals - all dumped in the lagoons to rot and liquefy.

So for those of you that are claiming this is ORGANIC manure in the videos, please check your facts. We know 10% of lagoon content can contain these things listed above. Let’s not forget the 167 pathogens found in that liquid manure. Not to mention the over abundance of antibiotic residue that works its way through the animal system. When you pack 4000 animals all in the same location it is inevitable that they need to be protected from disease, so don’t even try to tell me they are not treated “just in case” as a preventative measure even when not sick. Manure from Industrialized AG facilities is of much different “content” than manure from a TRUE family farm. So let’s not insult folks by calling their byproduct ORGANIC.

Additionally, TRUE family farmers do not attempt to move into an established recreational and residential community of 5400 people adjacent to a high tourist area and dump a CAFO holding 6300 animal units in its midst. A TRUE family farmer does not come in and clear cut 8000 acres of forested property to grow crops for the poor animals that will never see the light of day, all so they can produce a shit ton of milk when milk consumption is down 43% already with no projection of going up! A TRUE family farmer does not petition the DNR initially for 49 HCW to grow these crops which will need 24/7 irrigation because they are trying to grow them in SAND. 7.3 BILLION GALLONS OF WATER FROM THE AQUIFER EVERY YEAR!

That is not farming - that is GREED.

The Wysocki “Family” of Companies is by no means a “Family” farm. Not only do they have federal violations for killing migratory birds, they have been caught stacking manure in unpermitted locations, as well as caught winter spreading. Not to mention the monitoring wells in the area around their current CAFO that measure 77 mg/L in nitrate contamination, AND the fact that they have bought people out of their homes due to the constant aerial spraying of manure and water contamination in personal wells. People around their current facility can not even drink or bath in the water coming out of their own faucets.

But you are right WE are the ignorant ones.

You can call us anything you would like, you can continue to troll our Facebook page and make rude and uneducated comments, that is your choice, I will not waste my time deleting them. The bottom line is the Wysocki Family of Companies is a business of GREED. We do not blame the folks working for them who are holding a job to put food on their family table. Unfortunately though, they are the ones caught in the cross hairs of our video and pictures. You don’t see the Wysocki’s out there working the land like a TRUE family farmer!

So, say whatever you wish on this site. WE WILL continue to oppose this monstrosity to our community. We will continue every day having folks out at any location necessary documenting all activity, legal and illegal. We will continue to have our home water test completed every year, and continue to monitor our streamflow monthly and check its chemical content. We will push back at every turn, we will put every available road block in their path, we will stage the biggest, most public, most aggressive, fight possible to stop this Factory Farm from entering our community.

WE WILL NOT STOP!
#

Nov 6, 2015

Clean Water Advocates Rally Saturday Follows Human and Pig Deaths

In July, "A father and his son who were so close that they were 'like glue' were killed by noxious fumes from an Iowa hog manure pit — the second father and son in the Midwest to die of poisonous manure pit gases this month," (Rogers and Eller, USA Today).

This week, "[m]ore than 1,000 market weight hogs were killed last week after being overcome by pit gases at a hog farm near Tracy, Iowa. ... There are four powerful poisons can be present in manure pits, especially in those below the ground – hydrogen sulfide, ammonia, carbon dioxide, and methane. In August, manure pit fumes killed four workers in two separate incidents in Iowa and Wisconsin," (Bowman, PORK Network) (KNIA/KRLS News). (WQOW-Eau Claire)

These are just the toxic gases produced from industrialized Concentrated (Confined) Agricultural Feeding Operations (CAFOs).

The CAFO assault on communities and families also comes in the form of biological attacks, and destruction of aquifers and surface waters, while drying up and poisoning streams, lakes, and creating dead zones in Lake Michigan.

As noted here, clean water advocates, sustainable farmers, property owners seeing plummeting valuations and other opponents of CAFOs have seen hospitalized children who drank water out of the faucet, and watched politicians set the state on a trajectory towards undrinkable water, and toxic air (Citizens Concerned about Lake Superior CAFOs) as the Dept. of Natural Resources has become a polluters' lobby under Scott Walker, (Facebook)).

Industrialized agriculture is waging a war on communities with a lot of help from corrupt Wisconsin politicians.

Citizens rallying Saturday at the Wisconsin state capitol in Madison at 1:00 p.m. intend to raise a stink about this.

Sep 6, 2015

Scott Walker—DNR Webpage Hides Land Sales, Sell-off of Wisconsin Goes On

A forum about the impact of CAFOs (Concentrated (Confined)
Animal Feeding Operations) on quality of life and health
in rural communities and water was held in Ashland, Wisconsin
Feb. 28, 2015. Later, participants stood on Lake Superior.
- From Left to Right, Dr. Keeve Nachman,
Gordon Stevenson, Dr. John Ikerd and Lynn and Nancy Utesch
Photo: Scott Dye
"The legislature recognizes the need to modify this state’s restrictions on land ownership by nonresident alien and foreign business corporations and entities, so as to remove barriers to foreign investment in energy, mining, manufacturing and mercantile activities. ... [I]t is the legislature’s intent that these liberalized provisions and exceptions be strictly construed, so as to continue to limit alien ownership of land used for agricultural or forestry purposes to not more than 640 acres."—Wisconsin Attorney General J.B. Van Hollen's Dec. 19. 2014 formal opinion (¶6) codifying Scott Walker and Wisconsin State Rep. Robin Vos' (R-Rochester) and other Republicans' scheme to sell off Wisconsin land to foreign, and nonresident alien business entities.
 ---
Last month, Wisconsin citizens noted the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resourses was auctioning off public land—natural areas, trout ponds, forest land—to cover Scott Walker's budget deficit (Mal Contends), in a legislative scheme first requested by Gov. Scott Walker in February 2013.

Subsequently reported is State Senator Tom Tiffany (R-Hazelhurst) was a "a key supporter of a plan to force the sale of thousands of acres of public land including rare trout ponds and pristine natural parkland ... to out-of-state corporations and foreign (concerns)," as noted in the Green Bay Progressive. So, screw you northern Wisconsin, from Scott Walker.

Now the Wisconsin DNR "parcels for sale" website has been changed to hide to whom and when the sales took/will take place, the description of the land, and replaced by a link to a site entitled "Wisconsin Surplus [exit DNR]," in an effort to block information about public land Walker wants auctioned.

Walker has been pushing for codifying foreign ownership of Wisconsin public lands for years in his effort to negate a 127-year-old Wisconsin law limiting such foreign ownership.

When Walker's scheme of selling off Wisconsin land to foreign ownership met with wide public resistance (Schultz, Wisconsin State Journal), the Republican attorney general and Walker ally, J.B. Van Hollen (2007-2015), penned an end-around move to negate the 127-year-old law [Stat. § 710.02] in a formal opinion (link removed by Wisconsin DoJ) dated December 19, 2014 (link removed by Wisconsin DoJ) the Friday before Christmas in 2014. (Mal Contends)

Wisconsin Republicans like to govern by secret, for now Van Hollen's opinion text can be found at this Wisconsin State Legislature document, until this link becomes broken.

It's not just public land that Walker wants sold to foreign investors and campaign donors like the Pork Producers and other Big Ag moneyed interests.

Selling Agricultural and Forestry Land

Walker wants a fire-sale for private and public agricultural and forestry interests as that were protected from foreign ownership.

For example, the proposed Swine private CAFO factory farm in Bayfield County (Facebook) (Badgerwood LLC based out of Iowa called the Reicks View Family Farm LLC)—composed of 560 acres in the Township of Eileen with a projected 26,000 hogs that would produce nine million gallons of liquid cow manure annually—would be open to sale to foreign ownership.

Residents in northwest Wisconsin are well-organized in opposition to the CAFO siting.

Thanks to the work of Van Hollen and Walker this proposed swine CAFO could be sold to China, which owns over 25 percent of the American pork industry (Mal Contends).

Badgerwood LLC is 560 acres, Van Hollen's opinion reads this size is good-to-go for sale as long as the CAFO operation does not exceed 640 acres.

China is not big on concerns about polluting the water, air and land, and neither of course are Scott Walker and Reicks View LLC both of whom want to eviscerate the EPA.

Neither is the Chinese Shuanghui International Holdings Limited which changed its name last year to the 'WH Group,' (BusinessWeek).

WH Group, publicly traded since August 2014, is the largest pork company in the world and is looking to expand.

Northern Wisconsin looks like the perfect place for WH Group and Chinese predators and politicians like Scott Walker who protect their interests.
---
Van Hollen's December 19, 2014 formal opinion green-lighting foreign ownership is reproduced below as a legal research document, out of concern Wisconsin Republicans will break this new hyperlink.
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[Statutory hyperlinks omitted below]

STATE OF WISCONSIN
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
J.B. VAN HOLLEN
ATTORNEY GENERAL

Kevin M. St. John
Deputy Attorney General
114 East, State Capitol
P.O. Box 7857
Madison, WI 53707-7857
608/266-1221
TTY 1-800-947-3529

December 19, 2014       OAG—11—14

Mr. Robin Vos
Chairman
Assembly Committee on Organization
State Capitol
Post Office Box 8952
Madison, WI 53708

Dear Representative Vos:

¶1. In your capacity as Chairman of the Assembly Committee on Organization, you ask whether Wis. Stat. § 710.02(1), limiting the acreage in Wisconsin land that may be acquired, owned, or held by nonresident aliens and foreign corporations, applies to Members of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), an international agreement of which the United States of America is a Member.[1] You point out that the GATS directs its Members to accord to the services and service suppliers of all other Member nations “treatment no less favourable than it accords to its own like services and service suppliers.” GATS art. XVII:1.[2] You also note that Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) exempts “[c]itizens, foreign governments or subjects of a foreign government whose rights to hold larger quantities of land are secured by treaty” from the acreage limitation.

¶2. I conclude that Wis. Stat. § 710.02(1) is generally inapplicable to GATS Members, their services, or their service suppliers to the extent they seek to acquire, own, or hold land for enumerated service-related uses. First, the aim of the GATS is to remove barriers to international trade in services, while the aim of the statute is to prevent large-scale ownership of land by nonresident aliens for agricultural and forestry purposes. The statute achieves this goal by prohibiting nonresident alien ownership of more than 640 acres of land for agricultural or forestry use. Meanwhile, separate provisions in the statute allow nonresident alien land ownership, with no acreage limitation, for most service-based (non-agricultural and non-forestry) purposes. Thus, as long as the nonresident alien will use Wisconsin land for a permissible service-based purpose (and not agriculture or forestry), the statutory acreage limitation does not apply. Second, even if the statute’s acreage limitation did apply, GATS Members and their service suppliers are exempted from the acreage limitation by the statute’s treaty exception with respect to the acquisition, ownership, or holding of land for purposes enumerated in the GATS. Wis. Stat. § 710.02.

¶3. Wisconsin Stat. § 710.02(1) prohibits nonresident aliens from “acquir[ing], own[ing] or hold[ing] any interest . . . in more than 640 acres of land in this state.” The earliest version of the law was enacted in 1887. See Wis. Stat. § 2200a (1889); 1887 Wis. Laws ch. 479. The 1887 enactment was one of the many “alien land laws” that swept the country “at that time stemming from what was regarded as undesirable results from nonresident alien ownership of large tracts of land.” Lehndorff Geneva, Inc. v. Warren, 74 Wis. 2d 369, 386, 246 N.W.2d 815 (1976).[3] The statute was an instrument of agricultural protectionism, born in “a period of agricultural discontent in which legislatures feared ‘the large scale engrossment of farm land by absentees,’ with resentment directed against both aliens and corporations.” Id. at 386 n. 32 (citation omitted). Eventually, this concern for agricultural land use extended to forestry uses as well. See 1983 Wis. Act 335, § 1; Wis. Stat. § 710.02(3).

¶4. There are exceptions to the acreage limitation. Since 1953, nonresident alien “[r]ailroad or pipeline corporations” have been allowed to acquire land in Wisconsin without limitation. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(c).[4]

¶5. In 1983, two more exceptions were adopted. First, nonresident alien entities may now freely acquire land for these purposes: “exploration mining lease
. . . and land used for mining and associated activities”; “[l]eases for exploration or production of oil, gas, coal, shale and related hydrocarbons, including by-products of the production, and land used in connection with the exploration or production”; and specified manufacturing and mercantile activities. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(d)-(g). The manufacturing and mercantile categories, referenced in subsections (e) and (f), are extremely broad, embracing almost every conceivable business activity.[5] Activities relating to agriculture and forestry are expressly not included in the manufacturing and mercantile exemptions.[6] Thus, with these categorical exemptions, the statute now allows nonresident alien ownership of more than 640 acres of land for most non-agricultural and non-forestry purposes.

¶6. The second exception added by the 1983 Act eliminates the acreage limitation for: “Citizens, foreign governments or subjects of a foreign government whose rights to hold larger quantities of land are secured by treaty.” Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b). There is no legislative history explaining the reason for the treaty exception, but the Act expresses the legislature’s desire to remove barriers to foreign investment while continuing to limit the right to use more than 640 acres of land for agricultural or forestry to resident landowners:
Legislative declaration. The legislature recognizes the need to modify this state’s restrictions on land ownership by nonresident alien and foreign business corporations and entities, so as to remove barriers to foreign investment in energy, mining, manufacturing and mercantile activities. Although this act removes acreage limits on land ownership by such persons for certain purposes, it is the legislature’s intent that these liberalized provisions and exceptions be strictly construed, so as to continue to limit alien ownership of land used for agricultural or forestry purposes to not more than 640 acres. The legislature further declares that the exception granted to manufacturing activities shall not be construed to allow agricultural or forestry operations to be undertaken for purposes of supplying raw materials to such manufacturing activities.
1983 Wis. Act 335, § 1.

General Agreement on Trade in Services.
¶7. The history of the GATS begins with the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a multilateral trade agreement created after World War II.
See 19 U.S.C. § 3501(1); China Liquor Distrib. Co. v. United States, 343 F.2d 1005, 1006 (C.C.P.A. 1964). The intent of the GATT was to liberalize international trade by reducing discriminatory and protectionist tariffs and eliminating other trade barriers. The GATT has been amended over the years through a series of multilateral trade negotiations known as “rounds.”

¶8. The Uruguay Round (1986-1994) established the World Trade Organization, the successor to the GATT. See 19 U.S.C. § 3501(8). It also produced the GATS, a multilateral agreement binding all WTO Members. See 19 U.S.C.§ 3511(d)(14). As its name indicates, the GATS is specifically concerned with trade in services.

The scope of the GATS is enormous; it covers virtually all types of services in almost all major countries. . . . The only services that the GATS explicitly excludes are government-provided. The GATS categorizes all other services into twelve sectors: business; communication; construction and engineering; distribution; educational; environmental; financial; health related and social; tourism and travel related; recreational, cultural and sporting; transport; and other services not included elsewhere. The business services sector is divided into five sub-sectors: professional, computer, research and development, real estate, rental/leasing, and other business services.
Eve Ross, Comment, A Venerable Profession Enters the Global Economy: South Carolina Lawyers and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS),
57 S.C. L. Rev. 969, 975-76 (2006) (footnotes omitted) (catalogue of services derived from World Trade Organization, Services Sectoral Classification List (1991)).
¶9. The GATS is a Congressional-Executive agreement. See Proclamation No. 6763, 60 Fed. Reg. 1007 (Dec. 23, 1994); Ross, 57 S. Car. L. Rev. at 975. Congressional-Executive agreements are “‘simply acts of Congress, ordinary legislation which enacts an international obligation by a majority vote of both the House and Senate, with the President’s signature.’” Id. (quoting David J. Bederman, International Law Frameworks 167 (2001)); accord Made in the USA Found. v. United States, 242 F.3d 1300, 1305 n.12 (11th Cir. 2001); Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law of the United States § 303(2) & cmt. e. & notes 7-9 (1987) (hereinafter Restatement). Notably, Congressional-Executive agreements have become the preferred mode for trade agreements. See Made in the USA,
242 F.3d at 1305 n.12; Restatement § 303, note 9 (trade agreements “are now commonly effected by Congressional-Executive agreement, in recognition of the special role of the House of Representatives in the raising of revenue”).
¶10. Every GATS Member “uses a schedule of specific commitments to customize how the GATS will apply to them.” Ross, 57 S.C. L. Rev. at 978. Each individual “Schedule of Specific Commitments,” is “annexed to [the GATS] and . . . form[s] an integral part thereof.” GATS art. XX. In this Schedule, the Member lists the “service sectors” it has agreed to include in its GATS commitments. The United States’ Schedule includes business services, educational services, environmental services, financial services, health related and social services, tourism and travel related services, and transport services. The United States of America, Schedule of Specific Commitments at 15-73, Apr. 15, 1994 (hereinafter U.S. Schedule). Several of these service sectors are further subdivided into “subsectors.” See id. Among the business service subsectors are “Services Incidental to Agriculture, Hunting and Forestry (except provision of agriculture machinery with drivers and crew, harvesting and related services, services of farm labour contractors and aerial fire fighting).” Id. at 39.[7] Services “incidental” to agriculture and forestry notwithstanding, the use of land for agriculture or forestry more generally does not constitute a “service” and does not appear in the U.S. Schedule of GATS-protected service sectors and subsectors.
¶11. The GATS requires “national treatment.” GATS art. XVII:1. “ ‘National treatment means that foreign nationals should be given the same treatment in each of the member countries as that country makes available to its own citizens.’ ”
ITC Ltd. v. Punchgini, Inc., 482 F.3d 135, 162 (2nd Cir. 2007) (citations omitted). The GATS allows each Member to maintain laws or “[m]easures” inconsistent with the national treatment mandate by explicitly acknowledging the inconsistency in its Schedule of Specific Commitments. GATS art. XX. These inconsistent laws or measures are listed as “Limitations on National Treatment” in the U.S. Schedule.[8] The Schedule includes several federal and state laws restricting alien land ownership. See U.S. Schedule at 7-8. Although several limitations arising from Wisconsin law are included in the Schedule, Wis. Stat. § 710.02 is not one of them. See U.S. Schedule at 34, 56, 59-61, 65, 68.
¶12. A state law that is both inconsistent with the GATS and not included in the Schedule of Specific Commitments is not per se invalid. It can be declared invalid only “in an action brought by the United States for the purpose of declaring such [State law, or the application of such a State law] invalid.” 19 U.S.C.
§ 3512(b)(2)(A). In such a case, “the United States shall have the burden of proving that the law that is the subject of the action, or the application of that law, is inconsistent with the agreement in question.” Id. at § 3512(b)(2)(B)(ii). According to the General Counsel of the United States Trade Representative, the United States has never brought an action against a state under 19 U.S.C. § 3512(b)(2).[9]
Summary of analysis.
¶13. Against this background, I conclude that Wis. Stat. § 710.02(1) permits GATS Members and their service suppliers to acquire, own, or hold more than
640 acres of land for most service-related, non-agricultural, non-forestry uses enumerated in the GATS. There are two separate reasons for this conclusion. First, the acreage limitation prohibits the nonresident alien ownership of more than
640 acres for agricultural or forestry use, but exempts from this restriction most service-related uses of land by nonresident aliens. Second, the GATS comes within the statute’s treaty exception. Thus, any possible conflict between the GATS requirements and the statutory restrictions would be subject to the treaty exception.
Wis. Stat. § 710.02 restricts land acquisition by nonresident alien service suppliers for agriculture and forestry, but not for most service-related uses.
¶14. The purpose of the acreage restriction in Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2) is to prevent the large-scale acquisition of Wisconsin land by nonresident aliens for agricultural or forestry purposes. Consistent with this limited reach, Wis. Stat.
§ 710.02(2) enumerates the non-agricultural, non-forestry activities to which the acreage restriction does not apply. Specifically, it does not apply to “[r]ailroad or pipeline corporations,” or uses based on mining, manufacturing activities, mercantile activities, and exploration or production of potential fuel and energy sources. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(c)-(g). Wisconsin’s intent to open its land market for these activities but not agricultural and forestry purposes is spelled out in the legislative declaration of the 1983 Act (legislative intent is “to remove barriers to foreign investment in energy, mining, manufacturing and mercantile activities,” while “continuing to limit alien ownership of land used for agricultural or forestry purpose to not more than 640 acres”).
¶15. The statute defines the manufacturing and mercantile activities by reference to the Standard Industrial Classification Manual produced by the Office of Management and Budget. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(e)-(f); see supra ¶ 5 & nn.5-6. These defined activities generally correspond to the business sectors and subsectors for which the United States has agreed to provide national treatment in its Schedule of Specific Commitments. See supra at ¶ 10. In my review, I found that nearly all the service sectors and subsectors in the Schedule are also listed in the Manual with one notable exception. “Services Incidental to Agriculture . . . and Forestry” are included in the U.S. Schedule but are not among the subsectors exempt from the acreage limitation under Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(e)-(f). See supra at ¶ 10. With these exceptions, nonresident alien service suppliers may freely acquire land in Wisconsin to use for any of the enumerated service-related purposes.
¶16. The statute prohibits nonresident alien land acquisition and ownership above 640 acres for agricultural or forestry purposes. The GATS does not require its Members to accord other Members or their service suppliers “national treatment” with respect to agricultural and forestry land acquisition and ownership. The only conceivable conflict between the statute and the GATS might arise if a Member or its service supplier sought to acquire more than 640 acres of land for a service incidental to agriculture, e.g., animal boarding, or forestry, e.g., timber evaluation.
GATS Members are exempt from the acreage limitation under the “treaty” exception.
¶17. To the extent they seek to enforce their rights under the GATS, GATS Members and their service suppliers are covered by the treaty exception in
Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b). Section 710.02(2)(b) exempts from the acreage limitation “[c]itizens, foreign governments or subjects of a foreign government whose rights to hold larger quantities of land are secured by treaty.” Whether the treaty exception applies to services and service suppliers of GATS Members depends on the answers to two subsidiary questions. First, is the GATS a “treaty” within the meaning of Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b)? And, second, are GATS Members’ service suppliers “citizens” or “subjects of a foreign government” within the meaning of the statute? The answer to both questions is “yes.”
¶18. First, the GATS is a “treaty” under the statute. As the U.S. Supreme Court has recognized, the term “treaty” has more than one meaning. It may refer narrowly to Article II treaties or broadly to any international agreement recognized as binding under international law.
The word “treaty” has more than one meaning. Under principles of international law, the word ordinarily refers to an international agreement concluded between sovereigns, regardless of the manner in which the agreement is brought into force. Under the United States Constitution, of course, the word “treaty” has a far more restrictive meaning.
Weinberger v. Rossi, 456 U.S. 25, 29 (1982) (citation omitted); accord United States v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324, 330 (1937); B. Altman & Co. v. United States,
224 U.S. 583, 600 (1912); Black’s Law Dictionary 1640 (9th ed. 2009). The “more restrictive meaning” referred to is, of course, based on the Treaty Clause, which gives the President the “Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur.” U.S. Const. art. II, § 2, cl. 2.
¶19. The term “treaty” is not defined in Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b), elsewhere in the Wisconsin statutes, or in Wisconsin case law. In this definitional vacuum, it is appropriate to adopt the understanding of the term from federal case law, which in turn relies on international customary law. See Abelesz v. Magyar Nemzeti Bank, 692 F.3d 661, 685 (7th Cir. 2012). This approach is consistent with the general principle of statutory construction that an undefined statutory term well-known in the common law presumptively retains its common law meaning.
See id. (international customary law is equivalent to Anglo-American common law); In re Custody of D.M.M., 137 Wis. 2d 375, 389-90, 404 N.W.2d 530 (1987). Given their role in our federal system, the federal courts have substantial experience and expertise in the exposition of international customary law. See U.S. Const. art. II,
§ 2, cl. 2; 28 U.S.C. § 1331.
¶20. The U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the term “treaty” to include executive agreements in two cases construing federal statutes. In Weinberger, it construed the following “treaty” exception in the Military Selective Service Act of 1967, which prohibited employment discrimination against American citizens in military facilities abroad:
“Unless prohibited by treaty, no person shall be discriminated against by the Department of Defense or by any officer or employee thereof, in the employment of civilian personnel at any facility or installation operated by the Department of Defense in any foreign country because such person is a citizen of the United States or is a dependent of a member of the Armed Forces of the United States.”
Weinberger, 456 U.S. at 27 n.3 (quoting 85 Stat. 355, note following 5 U.S.C. §7201 (1976 ed. Supp. IV); emphasis the Court’s). The question before the Court was whether a Base Labor Agreement negotiated between the United States and the Republic of the Philippines was a “treaty” that would allow employment discrimination against American citizens under the Act. The BLA was an “executive agreement” that had not been “submitted to the Senate for its advice and consent.” Id. at 32.
  ¶21.   The Court held that the BLA came within the statute’s treaty exception. Id. at 32. Noting the canon of construction that an ambiguous “ ‘act of congress ought never to be construed to violate the law of nations, if any other possible construction remains,’ ” the Court concluded that “some affirmative expression of congressional intent to abrogate the United States’ international obligations is required in order to construe the word ‘treaty’ . . . as meaning only Art. II treaties.” Id. at 32 (quoting Murray v. The Charming Betsy, 2 Cranch 64, 118, 2 L.Ed. 208 (1804)).
¶22. In B. Altman, the Court decided that “treaty,” as used in the Circuit Court of Appeals Act allowing direct Supreme Court review of cases involving “ ‘the validity or construction of any treaty,’ ” included a “commercial reciprocal agreement” negotiated between the United State and France “under the authority contained in § 3 of the Tariff Act of 1897.” B. Altman, 224 U.S. at 594, 596 (citation omitted).
While it may be true that this commercial agreement . . . was not a treaty possessing the dignity of one requiring ratification by the Senate of the United States, it was an international compact, negotiated between the representatives of two sovereign nations, and made in the name and on behalf of the contracting countries, and dealing with important commercial relations between the two countries, and was proclaimed by the President. If not technically a treaty requiring ratification, nevertheless it was a compact authorized by the Congress of the United States, negotiated and proclaimed under the authority of its President.
Id. at 601.
¶23. Against this background, the term “treaty” in Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) should be interpreted as including the GATS, a Congressional-Executive agreement. Cf. K.S.B. Techical Sales Corp. v. N. Jersey Dist. Water Supply Comm’n,
381 A.2d 774, 778 (N.J. 1977) (concluding that the GATT, an executive agreement, was a “treaty” under the Supremacy Clause); Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton Corp. v. Superior Court, 208 Cal. App. 2d 803, 820 (Cal. Dist. Ct. App. 1962) (same); Territory of Hawaii v. Ho, 41 Haw. 565, 565 (Haw. Terr. 1957) (same). Significantly,
Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) was adopted in 1983, just one year after Weinberger was decided.
See 2B N. Singer & J.D. Singer, Sutherland Statutory Construction
143 (7th ed. 2012) (“All legislation is interpreted in light of the common law . . . existing at the time of its enactment.”). The legislature presumably adopted the treaty exception with full knowledge of Weinberger’s broad interpretation of the term “treaty” and thus intended to incorporate the Weinberger Court’s interpretation of “treaty” when it used the term in constructing the 1983 amendments. See, e.g., Strenke v. Hogner, 2005 WI 25, ¶ 28, 279 Wis. 2d 52,
694 N.W.2d 296 (“The legislature is presumed to act with full knowledge of existing case law when it enacts a statute.”).
¶24. The GATS is analogous to the agreements at issue in Weinberger and B. Altman. It was “negotiated between the representatives of . . . sovereign nations, and made in the name and on behalf of the contracting countries, and dealing with important commercial relations between [them].” B. Altman, 224 U.S. at 601.
Like the statutes in those cases, the statute here contains no “affirmative expression of [legislative] intent to abrogate the United States’ international obligations.” Weinberger, 456 U.S. at 31-32. And, like the statute in Weinberger, Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) recognizes a treaty exception to the enforcement of a general statutory proscription. Id. Construing the GATS to be a “treaty” is consistent with the canon that an ambiguous “act of congress ought never be construed to violate the law of nations if any other possible construction remains.” The Charming Betsy, 2 Cranch at 118. The fact that the law here is an act of the Wisconsin legislature rather than of Congress reinforces the conclusion: unlike the U.S. Congress, a state legislature has no authority to interfere in international agreements. See Belmont, 301 U.S. at 331 (“To counteract [an international compact] by the supremacy of the state laws, would bring on the Union the just charge of national perfidy. . . .”) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted); accord United States v. Pink, 315 U.S. 203, 230-34 (1942).
¶25. This interpretation is consistent with the Wisconsin legislature’s expression of intent regarding 1983 Wis. Act 335, § 1: “The legislature recognizes the need to modify this state’s restrictions on land ownership by nonresident and foreign business corporations and entities, so as to remove barriers to foreign investment in energy, mining, manufacturing and mercantile activities.”
The liberalizing intent of this declaration would be stymied by a restrictive interpretation of the word “treaty” as limited to Article II treaties.
¶26. I also conclude that the service suppliers of GATS Members are protected by the treaty exception to the extent that they seek to acquire, own, or hold land for service-related uses enumerated in the U.S. Schedule. The treaty exception exempts “[c]itizens, foreign governments or subjects of a foreign government” from the acreage limitation. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b). The exception clearly applies to individual nonresident aliens, who are, by definition, either “[c]itizens . . . or subjects of a foreign government.” Less obvious is whether the exception applies equally to corporations, limited liability companies, partnerships, associations, and trusts.[10] The U.S. Schedule guarantees “national treatment” to all GATS Members and their service suppliers. Under the GATS, “ ‘service supplier’ means any person that supplies a service.” GATS art. XXVIII(g). “ ‘[P]erson’ means either a natural person or a juridical person.” Id. at (j). “ ‘[J]uridical person’ means any legal entity duly constituted or otherwise organized under applicable law, whether for profit or otherwise, and whether privately-owned or governmentally-owned, including any corporation, trust, partnership, joint venture, sole proprietorship or association.” Id. at (l). The question is whether the “citizen or subject” terminology of Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) includes these “juridical persons.”
¶27. Corporations are generally considered legal “persons” under federal and state law. See, e.g., Citizens United v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 558 U.S. 310 (2010); Trs. of Dartmouth Coll. v. Woodward, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 518, 667 (1819); Wis. Stat. § 990.01(26); § 180.0302. The same is true of limited liability companies, partnerships or associations. Wis. Stat. § 178.01(2)(e); accord 1 U.S.C. § 1;
Wis. Stat. § 990.01(26). A corporation created under the laws of a foreign nation is deemed a citizen or subject of that nation. See 28 U.S.C. § 1332(c)(1);
JPMorgan Chase Bank v. Traffic Stream (BVI) Infrastructure Ltd., 536 U.S. 88,
91-92 (2002); Barcelona Traction, Light & Power Co. (Belg. v. Spain), 1970 I.C.J. 3, 42-43 (Feb. 5). The question is most often litigated in federal diversity cases.
See, e.g., JPMorgan, 536 U.S. at 91-92; see also 28 U.S.C. § 1332(a)(2) (federal courts have jurisdiction over civil actions between “citizens of a State and citizens or subjects of a foreign state”).
¶28. Despite this general approach, the meaning of the terms “citizen” and “subject” must nevertheless be determined independently in each individual statute. The interpretation of these words in a particular act “depends upon the intent, to be gathered from the context and the general purpose of the whole legislation in which it occurs.” Swiss Nat’l Ins. Co. v. Miller,
267 U.S. 42, 46 (1925) (citations omitted); see also Vill. of Tigerton v. Minniecheske,
211 Wis. 2d 777, 783-84, 565 N.W.2d 586 (Ct. App. 1997).
¶29. I conclude that the phrase “[c]itizens … or subjects of a foreign government” in Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) includes all “juridical person[s]” “duly constituted or otherwise organized” under the laws of GATS Members. GATS art. XXVIII(l). Given its statutory context, a broad construction of the citizen or subject language clearly comports with the expressed legislative intent “to remove barriers to foreign investment in energy, mining, manufacturing and mercantile activities.” 1983 Wis. Act 335, § 1. Furthermore, like the term “treaty,” this language should be interpreted pursuant to the principle that ambiguous statutes should be construed to accord with “the law of nations.” The Charming Betsy, 2 Cranch at 118.
The construction that best comports with the GATS is the one that broadly equates citizens and subjects with all juridical persons. Meanwhile, the Wisconsin language is very close to the language of the federal diversity statute, which unquestionably treats foreign corporations and other juridical persons as citizens of their place of incorporation or principal place of business. Compare Wis. Stat.
§ 710.02(2)(b) with 28 U.S.C. § 1332(a)(2) and (4).
* * * * *
¶30. I conclude that Wis. Stat. § 710.02(1) is generally inapplicable to GATS Members, their services, or their service suppliers to the extent they seek to acquire, own, or hold land for service-related uses enumerated in the U.S. Schedule. First, Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2) does not limit land acquisition by nonresident aliens and foreign corporations for most service uses to which the United States agreed to provide national treatment under the GATS. On the contrary, the statutory acreage limitation applies to agricultural or forestry uses only. Second, the treaty exception in Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(b) applies to GATS Members, their services, and their service suppliers.
                  
            Sincerely,
            J.B. VAN HOLLEN
            Attorney General
JBV:MFW:mlk

1
“Member” is the term used to identify a nation participating in the World Trade Organization Agreement and other agreements, such as the GATS, engendered by the WTO. See 19 U.S.C. §§ 1677(30), 3501(10).
2
The full cite is: General Agreement on Trade in Services art. XVII(1), Apr. 15, 1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 1B.
3
In Lehndorff, a corporation wholly owned by West German citizens attempted to purchase more than 640 acres of Wisconsin land for agricultural use. The company sought a declaratory judgment that Wis. Stat. § 710.02 violated the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between the United States and West Germany. The court concluded that Wisconsin’s acreage limitation was permitted by treaty language reserving to each party the right to limit the other party’s ability to acquire land for agricultural purposes. Lehndorff, 74 Wis. 2d at 3775-76.
4
See 1953 Wis. Laws ch. 55, amending Wis. Stat. § 234.23 (1953).
5
See 1983 Wis. Act 335. The specified manufacturing and mercantile activities are those catalogued in divisions C-I of “the standard industrial classification manual published by the U.S. printing office, 1972 and later editions.” Wis. Stat. § 710.02(2)(e), (f). The divisions from the manual incorporated in the statute include a wide variety of commercial activities, including fifteen enumerated types of “Services,” and a list of additional “Miscellaneous services.” Exec. Office of the President, Office of Mgmt. & Budget, Standard Industrial Classification Manual 7-9, 53-406 (1987) (“SIC Manual”). The last print version of the SIC Manual was published in 1987. It was superseded in 1997 by the Exec. Office of the President, Office of Mgmt. & Budget, North American Industrial Classification System (2012) (“NAICS”). Updated editions of the bound NAICS appeared regularly between 1997 and 2012. Since 2012, NAICS updates can be found online at www.census.gov/eos/www/naics
6
The divisions of the SIC Manual not incorporated in the statute are Division A: Agriculture, Forestry, And Fishing; Division B: Mining; and Division J: Public Administration. SIC Manual 7, 9, 21-52, 407-19.
7
Given the parenthetical exceptions, it is unclear what services incidental to agriculture and forestry are envisioned here. The General Counsel for the United States Trade Representative (whose office is responsible for implementing the GATS) is unable to answer that question definitively, but explains that services “incidental” to a given activity are distinct from but unique to that activity. He suggests that services incidental to agriculture might include “animal boarding, care and breeding services, services to promote propagation, growth and output of animals,” and that services incidental to forestry might include “timber evaluation, . . . [and] forest management including forest damage assessment services.” This list is taken from Department of International Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office of the United Nations, Provisional Central Product Classification (Statistical Papers, Series M No. 77) 76 (1991).
8
Usually referred to as “reservations,” such limitations are common in multilateral agreements. Restatement § 313.
9
Thus, an inconsistent state law is not preempted by the Supremacy Clause. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 10, cl. 3. The U.S. Schedule, including the reservation of any limitations on national treatment imposed by state law, constitutes the United States’ treaty obligation to its fellow GATS Members. If a state law limitation was left out of the U.S. Schedule, it is not subject to preemption, but to the remedial procedures set out in 19 U.S.C. § 3512(b).
10
The acreage limitation applies to nonresident aliens and corporations not created under federal or state law; corporations, limited liability companies, partnerships or associations with more than twenty percent ownership by nonresident aliens or corporations; and trusts with more than twenty percent of their assets held for the benefit of nonresident aliens or foreign corporations. Wis. Stat. § 710.02(1)(a)-(c).

Mar 2, 2015

Ashland Mayor Wants Environmental Impact Statement of Proposed Industrial Farm in Bayfield Co

A forum about the impact of CAFOs (Concentrated (Confined)
Animal Feeding Operations) on quality of life and health
in rural communities was held in Ashland, Wisconsin
Feb. 28, 2015. Later participants stood on Lake Superior.
- From Left to Right, Dr. Keeve Nachman,
Gordon Stevenson, Dr. John Ikerd and Lynn and Nancy Utesch
Photo: Scott Dye
The Mayor of the City of Ashland has requested a detailed Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) from the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources.

The letter by Mayor Debra S. Lewis requesting the EIS is dated last Friday and comes as sentiment against the proposed Concentrated Agricultural Feeding Operation (CAFO) has rapidly grown in Bayfield and Ashland counties in far-northern Wisconsin.

Lewis' letter is reproduced below:
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February 27, 2015

Ms. Cathy L. Stepp,
Secretary Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources
P.O. Box 7921 Madison, WI 53707-7921

Via email: DNRSecretary@wisconsin.gov
Re: Badgerwood, LLC Hog Facility Reicks View Farm CAFO

Dear Ms. Stepp:

I write as the Mayor of the City of Ashland to respectfully request, in the strongest possible of terms, that the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources require an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) before taking any action to permit the operation of the proposed Badgerwood, LLC Hog Facility, also known as the Reicks View Farm Concentrated Animal Feeding Operation (CAFO) in the Town of Eileen, Bayfield County. While the CAFO would be located outside of the City of Ashland, some of the CAFO's greatest impacts would fall directly on the City of Ashland, due primarily to the location of the proposed CAFO near the headwaters of Fish Creek, and to Ashland's location, just seven or so miles east, at the mouth of Fish Creek, where Fish Creek enters Lake Superior's Chequamegon Bay.

I understand that the types of permits required for the CAFO to operate have generally been excepted by Natural Resources rule from EIS requirements, either as a "minor action" or as an "equivalent analysis action." However, I believe that the Badgerwood CAFO is of such magnitude and complexity that the DNR should exercise its discretion under NR 150.20(4), Wis. Admin. Code, to follow EIS procedures. Virtually every factor listed in NR 150.20(4)(b) points to the appropriateness of an EIS in this case.

The Ashland City Council recently passed, unanimously, a resolution calling on the Bayfield County Board to exercise its authority to adopt more stringent standards than contained in ATCP 51 to regulate CAFOs. In issuing the call, the City Council cited its concerns for safe drinking water, beach safety, tourism, and public health factors. I am confident that if the timing of the DNR's decision on an EIS for the project allowed it, the Ashland City Council would take similar action specifically to request that an EIS be required. As it stands now, the City's resolution directed to Bayfield County does state our policy on the matter and as such should be considered as a factor under NR 150.20 (4)(b)(2), that the "project may be in conflict with local . . . environmental policies."

The City of Ashland has the following specific questions which can only be answered by the careful preparation of an EIS :

l . What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the City of Ashland's drinking water?
2. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the Chequamegon Bay fishery?
3. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the City of Ashland's swimming beaches?
4. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on odors in and near the City of Ashland?
5. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on small-scale farming near the City of Ashland?
6. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on tourism in the City of Ashland?

I will briefly address each of these points so that you can understand why I am asking these questions. Clearly, at this point we all have more questions than answers, which is why an EIS is so important.

1. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the City of Ashland's drinking water?

The City of Ashland obtains one hundred percent of its drinking water from one intake pipe in Chequamegon Bay. The City's Utility Supervisor has advised the City Council that extensive algal blooms could greatly interfere with our intake and treatment of drinking water, requiring increased back-flushing of the system to unclog it, reducing efficiency, and raising costs. Installation of a second intake pipe would be a multi-million dollar project and is unaffordable for the City.

Chequamegon Bay has no algal blooms of any significance now. Our concern is that the CAFO will add nutrients to the Lake resulting in such blooms. We do not know how water circulation patterns in the Bay would affect our water intake were blooms to occur.

2. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the Chequamegon Bay fishery?

Ashland has a vibrant sport fishery on its doorstep in Chequamegon Bay. Summer and winter, visitors and locals alike find their way onto the Lake, contributing to our quality of life and the Ashland economy at the same time. Eutrophication, de-oxygenation, and fish die-offs would be devastating to this aspect of our lives and our economy. We are aware that CAFO's are thought to be responsible for eutrophication in other locales, and we are extremely concerned that it could happen here, too.

3. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on the City of Ashland's swimming beaches?

Ashland's primary swimming beach is adjacent to the Fish Creek estuary and less than one mile from its primary mouth. The water is clear and clean and because it is shallow, ideal for young children. Algal blooms resulting from excessive nutrient loading from the CAFO could ruin this resource, as could infectious agents from pig waste.

4. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on odors in and near the City of Ashland?

Ashland is a city of over 8,200 inhabitants. The prevailing west-to-east winds leave the City downwind from the CAFO and the fields where it intends to spread manure. Ashland is not an Iowa farm town where the smell of pig manure might be expected. Ashland is a lakeshore town where people come to breathe deeply of the fresh, invigorating air. We need to know if the millions of gallons of pig manure being collected and spread just a few miles upwind of us will detract from our fresh-air resource.

5. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on small-scale farming near the City of Ashland?

Small-scale, sustainable agriculture is a thriving and growing sector of our local economy. Awareness and selectivity of what we eat in Ashland is on the rise and becoming part of our local "brand." The Chequamegon Food Cooperative just completed a major enlargement, fueled in part by a booming interest in eating healthy and local foods. The Co-op in turn provides support for local farmers through a number of innovative programs. People in Ashland like pork just as much as the next guy — which is why small-scale, local, sustainable, family hog farms such as Maple Hill, just outside Washburn, and Angel Acres, just outside Ashland, are very busy. The risk of importing swine disease from Iowa and thus destroying existing local farms is of serious concern to those of us who see sustainable agriculture as a key component in our economy.

6. What would the Badgerwood CAFO's environmental impact be on tourism in the City of Ashland?

By many measures, our area is the poorest in the state of Wisconsin. Our greatest source of wealth is our clean air and clean water. Without those assets we have nothing special to offer the visitor. The tourist coming "up north" wants to feel that he or she is going someplace special and pristine.

Many of us who live in Ashland have had the experience of standing by the shore of Chequamegon Bay, perhaps while on an evening walk or bike-ride, seeing a car or minivan pull up, maybe with license plates from South Carolina or California, and watching the driver and passengers get out, stretch, inhale a deep breath of Lake Superior air, and marvel at the blue water laid out before them. Often there is a smile; sometimes there is a look of amazement, and if there are children usually there is a race to the water's edge. Whatever it is, we know that the first experience of standing beside the largest freshwater lake in the world will stick with that person for a long time. Our nightmare: that same car pulls up, the driver steps out, takes a deep breath and chokes on the pig-manure scented air, and then has to tell her children to stay out of the algae and scum-laden water lapping on our beach.

The DNR needs to thoroughly assess the risk of this scenario coming about. The only way to do so is to perform a full EIS. The future of our lives as we know them in Ashland may well depend on the information that can only be developed through the EIS process.

Debra S. Lewis Mayor

cc:

Duane Popple
1300 W. Clairemont Avenue
Eau Claire, WI 54701
Via email: duane.popple@wisconsin.gov

CAFO Intake Specialist
WT/3
Wisconsin DNR
P.O. Box 715
Madison, WI 53707-7155
Via email: Tyler.Dix@wisconsin.gov

Feb 28, 2015

Industrial Factory Farm Proposed for Bayfield County Hit at Forum

Forum about the impact of CAFOs
(Concentrated (Confined) Animal
Feeding Operations) on quality
of life and health in rural communities
held in Ashland, Wisconsin Feb. 28, 2015
'No good places to build CAFOs, but few worse places than in Bayfield County Wisconsin'
- Dr. John Ikerd, Professor Emeritus of Agricultural and Applied Economics, University of Missouri-Columbia, College of Agriculture, Food and Natural Resources  
---
Updated - Bayfield and Ashland county residents are fighting to stop a proposed swine industrial factory, or Concentrated Agricultural Feeding Operation (CAFO) as industrialized factory "farming" attempts to make its first foray into northern Wisconsin, (Mullen, Ashland Daily Press) a move resulting in a one-year moratorium against the CAFO in mid-February 2015 passed by the Bayfield County Board. (Mullen, Ashland Daily Press)

Dr. Ikerd notes the last 20 years have seen "an era of intensive agricultural industrialization," leading to myriad health and pollution costs that small rural communities are absorbing out of fear and a well-crafted PR campaign by Big Ag.

Following is a paper by Dr. John Ikerd, presented in Ashland, Wisconsin at the Northern Great Lakes Visitor Center on Saturday afternoon scheduled for 1:00 p.m. - 4:30 p.m.

A full house of 200-plus people reportedly braved the single-digit cold to attend.

The paper, CAFO Facts and Fallacies, was prepared for presentation at the "After the Siting" educational meeting in Ashland, Wisconsin, February 28, 2015. Notes are hyperlinked are at bottom of paper.
---
By John Ikerd [Professor Emeritus, University of Missouri-Columbia – USA; Author of, Sustainable Capitalism-a Matter of Common Sense, Essentialsof Economic Sustainability, A Returnto Common Sense, Small Farms are Real Farms, Crisis and Opportunity-Sustainability in American Agriculture, and A Revolutionof the Middle-the Pursuit of Happiness, all books available on Amazon.com: Books and Kindle E-books. Websites: University of Missouri - Dr. John E. Ikerd or John Ikerd.com]

I am confident that the people of this community were not looking for a fight when they learned that an out-of-state operator of several concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) planned to locate a large CAFO in your community. Many may still be reluctant to take a position on this proposal, hoping to find some middle ground or compromise that will resolve the issue to the satisfaction of all concerned. That almost certainly will not happen. You have already seen how divisive this issue can be. The only thing that proponents and opponents of CAFOs seem to agree on is that whenever controversies arise regarding CAFOs, which is almost always, the conflicts invariably rip the social fabric of communities apart. Some people who have been friends will never be friends again, families will be divided, and church congregations will be split. Your communities will be transformed by this experience.

To make matters worse, your community has become part of an epic battle in which CAFOs are a key battleground. On one side are the advocates of the so-called modern industrial approach to agriculture production. They claim industrial production systems, such as CAFOs, are an economic necessity for domestic and global food security. On the other side are those who are concerned about the environmental and social impacts of industrial agriculture – especially about CAFOs. They point to the failure of industrial agriculture to provide food security in the U.S. or elsewhere in the world. The undecided are becoming increasingly skeptical as whether the proclaimed economic benefits of industrial agriculture are worth the ecological and social costs. CAFOs are the epitome of industrial agriculture and thus are at the center of this conflict.

In an attempt to stem the tide of growing public concern, the advocates of industrial agriculture have mounted an ongoing multimillion-dollar propaganda campaign designed to – in their words – “increase confidence and trust in today’s agriculture.”i The campaign’s Food Dialogues website features the “faces of farming and ranching” – articulate, attractive young farmers, obviously chosen to put the best possible face on the increasingly ugly business of industrial agriculture. The defenders of so-called modern agriculture have employed some of the top public relations firms to try to repair the tarnished public image of industrial agriculture – and they are very good at what they do.

The “Battle at Bayfield” is a potentially important skirmish in this ongoing war. Your community will not likely be spared the barrage of deception of this massive pro-CAFO public relations campaign. The campaign spent $1.5 million to pass a so-called “right to farm” constitutional amendment in Missouri, which didn’t dent their annual budget. A one-year moratorium on new CAFOs in Bayfield County hopefully will provide a bit more time to marshal the forces to defend the precious natural resources and communities of the area. However, members of the study committee and the people of the community in general should be prepared for an onslaught of pro-CAFO propaganda – and “perks” for persons of influence.

The top four areas of concern chosen for emphasis by the PR firms include water quality, animal welfare, food safety, and “food prices and choices.” Growing public concerns in each of these areas are confirmed by a growing body of highly-credible scientific evidence. For example, an extensive 2½-year study of industrial farm animal production was commissioned by a highly-reputable, non-partisan organization, the Pew Charitable Trust. Their 2008 report concluded: “The current industrial farm animal production (IFAP) system often poses unacceptable risks to public health, the environment and the welfare of the animals themselves.”ii The prestigious commissioners, including a former governor and a former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture, stated that “the negative effects of the IFAP system are too great and the scientific evidence is too strong to ignore.  Significant changes must be implemented and must start now.”

Five years later, an assessment of the industry’s response to the Pew Report by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health indicated that few if any positive changes had been made. Meanwhile the scientific evidence supporting the initial indictment of CAFOs has continued to grow.iii For decades, promoters of industrial agriculture had accused their critics of relying on misinformation and emotions rather than “sound science.” Now that the scientific evidence is mounting against them, their public relations experts are advising industrial agriculture supporters to emphasize “emotional appeals,” such as “the faces of farmers” – dismissing “sound-science” as no longer believable, relevant, or meaningful.

The PR campaign clearly attempts to label opponents of CAFOs as uninformed, emotional, NINBYs, or radical activists who are trying to destroy animal agriculture. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Those I have worked with over the years are some of the most intelligent, best-informed people I have ever met. Admittedly, some are emotional because CAFOs are threatening their health and destroying their way of life. It’s not irrational to become emotional when you or your family is threatened by something you seem powerless to stop. Many CAFO opponents in fact are quite concerned about protecting their “their own backyards,” but this doesn’t mean they are any less concerned about the “backyards” of others.

I have found the vast majority of people who oppose CAFOs are ordinary middle-class people – both rural and urban. Most have never been involved in anything controversial before. They are not vegetarians or vegans. Only about 5 percent of the people in the U.S. consider themselves to be vegetarians and only about half of those are vegan, meaning they don’t eat any animal products.iv Promoters of CAFOs are not concerned about today’s vegetarians and vegans. They are concerned that the rapidly increasing numbers of both vegetarians and vegans reflect a growing public rejection of CAFOs.

I am not a vegetarian or a vegan. In fact, I am a long-time advocate of animal agriculture. I am not opposed to people making money In fact, I have BS, MS, and Ph.D. degrees in Agricultural Economics. I also know something about animal agriculture. I was born and raised on a small dairy farm. After finishing college with a BS degree, I worked at the Kansas City stockyards for short time and then spent three years with Wilson and Co., the fourth largest meat packing company in the U.S. at the time.

After receiving my Ph.D. in 1970, I began a 30-year academic career in the agricultural colleges of four major state universities – the first half as an extension livestock marketing specialist. I unknowingly helped start the so-called modern hog industry in North Carolina. I worked with the big cattle feed lots in western Oklahoma. I told farmers that farms had to become bottom-line businesses, if they expected to survive. I told them that a farm was just a “factory without a roof” and fields and feedlots were “biological assembly lines.” I told them they should either “get big” or “get out” of farming. So, I know where people who promote CAFOs are “coming from” because I used to “live there.”

Obviously, I have changed my mind. I eventually opened my mind and my eyes to what industrial agriculture was doing to family farms, rural communities, and the land – the natural environment. The lessons I learned from my mistakes in advocating industrial agriculture eventually led me to become a committed proponent of sustainable agriculture – a process that began more than 25 years ago and has continued through 15 years since retirement. I believe that a sustainable animal agriculture is an essential component of a sustainable food system, but CAFOs are not sustainable. I tell those in animal agriculture if they don’t want Americans in general to become vegetarians and vegans, they should be focusing their energy and money on “changing animal agriculture,” not mounting a giant propaganda campaign attempts to discredit the intelligence of their customers, their neighbors, and people in general.

I reluctantly became involved in the CAFO controversy in the mid-1990s. Over the past 20 years, I have met with and spoken to hundreds, if not thousands, of people who were confronted with threats of CAFOs in 16 states of the U.S., 4 provinces of Canada, and even in Wales in the UK. Every community is different, but the basic issues and arguments are much the same.

I have had the privilege of visiting this area on several occasions; thankfully not to debate CAFOs. I have always been impressed with the sense of community and a strong commitment to protecting the pristine natural environment of Chequamegon Bay, the Apostle Islands, and Lake Superior. I have had the honor of speaking at the Big Top Chautauqua, while staying at the Pinehurst Inn in Bayfield. I have also participated in community events in Washburn and Ashland. I have some sense of the economic importance of tourism as well the non-economic value of the unique quality of life afforded to those living in this area. There are no good places to build CAFOs, but I can think of few worse places than in Bayfield County Wisconsin.

I don’t want you to lose this battle to protect this fragile ecosystem and these communities from the very real environment and public health risks posed by concentrated animal feeding operations. To prevail, you must understand you are not just fighting a large CAFO operator; your opponents have millions of dollars of corporate money to spend protecting their “rights to pollute and exploit.” Perhaps you will be lucky and they will choose elsewhere to fight. But, they know every defeat erodes public confidence in their failed system of animal production. You need to be aware of the “fallacies of CAFOs” that will be presented to you as “facts.”

With respect to growing public concerns about water pollution, the PR campaign claims that operators of CAFOs are responsible stewards of the environment. They extoll their virtues as “family farmers” – their commitment to caring for the land and caring about the well-being of their neighbors. Even if this is true of some, it is simply not possible to manage the concentration of manure associated with large-scale confinement animal feeding operations without costly waste treatment systems, what have consistently been deemed “economically infeasible.” In spite of claims that new manure management technology and strategy will protect streams and groundwater, water pollution continues to be a persistent problem with CAFOs.

The facts: a 1998 EPA study found 35,000 miles of streams in 22 states and ground water in 17 states that had been polluted by industrial livestock operations.v At the time, the EPA was preparing to sue CAFO operators under the Clean Water Act. But, there was a change in the political administration in DC, and no similar studies have been done since. As a last defense, CAFO operators claim they are doing a better job of manure management than the traditional independent farmers they displaced. However, the Iowa Department of Natural Resources has documented a three-fold increase in “impairments” of water bodies between 2002 and 2012, years when hog CAFO were rapidly replacing independent family hog farms.vi

As a matter of fact, the public health risks of CAFOs posed by water polluted by livestock manure are essentially the same as those posed by untreated human sewage. The 26,000 hogs or 6,000 animal units proposed for the confinement feeding operation proposed for Bayfield County is equivalent to the human waste from a municipality of 50,000 people.vii There are logical reasons for requiring sophisticated, multi-stage waste treatment systems for municipalities of even 8,000 to 10,000 people. It would be unthinkable that the people in a municipality of 50,000 people would be allowed to spread their untreated sewage in their backyards to be flushed away with the storm water. Yet it is legal to spread a similar amount of raw sewage from CAFOs.

With respect to public concerns about the inhumane treatment of farm animals, the PR campaign claims that CAFO operators have an economic incentive to treat their animals well in order to keep them healthy and productive. In fact, CAFO operators send animals to slaughter at young ages, before most injuries or chronic illnesses cause weight loss or death. For example, the natural lifespan of a chicken is 7 to 20 years, but broiler chickens today are slaughtered at 6 to 8 weeks and laying hens at around 18 months. A dairy cow in a CAFO is lucky to last 4 to 5 years, about one-third the normal lifespan of a healthy dairy cow. The facts are that CAFO operators see sick and dying animals as undesirable but necessary economic costs of doing business. The physical and mental welfare of sick and dying animals is given no consideration other than the impact on the economic bottom line.

A person doesn’t have to be a vegan or “radical animal rightest,” or even a member of HSUS, to be concerned about the inhumane treatment of farm animals. Animals are sentient, feeling, living beings, not inanimate mechanisms. I visited Poland a few years ago and had an opportunity to visit the Majdanek Nazi concentration/extermination near Lublin. The rows of barracks where prisoners lived short, miserable lives awaiting extermination was an eerie reminder of the rows of CAFO building that line the roads of the Midwest where animals live under similar conditions with a similar fate. There are not humane “concentration camps.”

Research in the past 50 years has confirmed that: “intensive production systems and severe confinement invariably leads to greatly reduced animal welfare.” viii  As a result, nine states have passed laws to prohibit the use of “gestation crates,” so small hogs can’t even turn around. Two states have passed laws to phase out the use of similarly confining “battery cages” for egg laying hens and other states are contemplating similar actions. While the initial steps have focused on providing animal with more space, there is simply no way that animals can be treated without abandoning the basic concept of “concentrated” animal feeding operations.

With respect to food safety, the corporately-funded PR campaign proclaims that Americans have the safest, most healthful food system in the world. While this may have been true in the past, there is growing scientific evidence that food safety has diminished with industrialization of the American food system – including farming systems. Recalls of food products of animal origin contaminated with salmonella, listeria, Campylobacter, and E-Coli, even if not yet routine, have become far from uncommon.ix  Studies consistently have shown that significant percentages of livestock and poultry products in retail food markets are contaminated with a variety of infectious bacteria.x  Various studies also have shown a large percentage of bacteria in contaminated animal food products are resistant to multiple antibiotics – such as MRSA.xi

Most instances of contaminations of food with infectious bacteria likely take place in slaughter houses where meat is accidentally exposed to the contents of the stomachs and intestines of slaughtered animals. However, studies have verified that the high energy rations fed to animals in CAFOs to maximize feeding efficiency provide an ideal breeding environment for organisms that are particularly toxic to humans, such as the deadly E-Coli 0157:H7. Switching animals from high-concentrate to high-forage rations have been found to reduce the shedding or potential contamination risks from E-Coli 0157:H7, suggesting that livestock raised on pasture or in grazing systems, rather than in CAFOs, present lower food safety risks.xii

The corporate PR campaign claims to advocate “choices” by supporting all types of farming. However the verbiage strongly suggests that small “market niches” are the extent of the potential of organic and other sustainable farming alternatives. The clear message is that people must be willing to accept the environmental, public health, and food safety risks of industrial agriculture to avoid raising “food prices” and massive global starvation. In fact, there is nothing to indicate that industrial agriculture has produced more food that could have been produced with more sustainable methods, only that it has employed far fewer farmers. Any production costs advantage has been more than offset by higher marketing margins and profits elsewhere within the corporate food supply chain of which industrial agriculture is a crucial link.xiii Over the past 20 years, an era of intensive agricultural industrialization, U.S. retail food prices have risen faster than overall inflation rates, and animal products are no exception.xiv

In fact, there are viable alternatives to CAFOs and other industrial production systems. A comprehensive review in the journal Nature compared studies of organic and conventional crop yields in “developed” countries concluding: “Under certain conditions—that is, with good management practices, particular crop types and growing conditions—organic systems can ... nearly match conventional yields.”xv  In fact, these studies underestimate the potential for sustainable farming systems because they were carried out by researchers on research farms rather than on actual farms of experienced sustainable farmers. Furthermore, sustainability, not yields, is the major challenge of farming the U.S. and the rest of the so-called developed world.xvi More than 30% of U.S farm income today comes from “exports” rather than domestic consumption and Americans waste nearly half of all food produced. In addition, the rest of the world doesn’t need our agricultural exports or our industrial agriculture.

Small, diversified farms already provide food for least 70% of the global population and could double or triple yields without resorting to industrial production methods.xvii Numerous global food studies sponsored by the United Nations have exposed the myths of industrial agriculture. For the example, much of the increased food production attributed to the Green Revolution was exported rather than used to alleviate domestic hunger. Recent global studies call for the development of sustainable farming systems, such as agroecology.xviii, xix The world doesn’t need industrial agriculture, and Bayfield County, Wisconsin doesn’t need to allow a CAFOs to destroy their pristine environment and caring communities in order to help “feed the world.”

The fallacies in the public relations campaign are not limited to the four focus areas mentioned thus far. For example, CAFOs are promoted as a strategy for rural economic development. Hoping that local residents will give the prospects for a few jobs priority over risks to public health and the natural environment, CAFO operators typically attempt to locate in economically depressed areas. Local leaders may even offer preferential tax assessments and tax credits. In fact, decades of real-world experience have confirmed that CAFOs inevitably employ fewer people than the number of independent family farmers they displace. Between 1980 and 2008, as CAFOs replaced independent farmers, USDA statistics indicate the number of beef cattle operations fell by 41%, hog farms declined by 90%, and dairy farms fell by 80%.

Admittedly, the communities where CAFOs locate may experience minor increases in local employment. However, low wages and poor working conditions typically result in CAFO workforces composed largely of immigrant workers desperate for employment. A University of Wisconsin study found the percentage of immigrant workers on Wisconsin dairy farms increased from 5% to 40% between 1998 and 2008, years of rapid growth in dairy CAFOS.xx Workers who migrate into CAFO communities add cultural diversity but add a far larger burden on local public services than their meager wages yield in local tax revenues – particularly for public schools, police protection, and public health care. Even without tax subsidies, higher costs for road maintenance due to heavy truck traffic, increased water treatment costs, and other public infrastructure expenses more than offset any increase in local tax revenues.

A 2006 study commissioned by the State of North Dakota Attorney General’s Office reviewed 56 socioeconomic studies documenting the economic impacts of factory farming on rural communities. The studies consistently “found detrimental effects of industrialized farming on many indicators of community quality of life, particularly those involving the social fabric of communities.”xxi The only kinds of economic development attracted to “CAFO communities” are other environmentally polluting and socially degrading industries. This is not sustainable economic development; it is industrial economic exploitation.

The top four does not exhaust the list of fallacies are used by advocates of CAFOs to defend their failed system of animal production. Perhaps one of the most important is that evidence linking CAFOs to antibiotic resistant bacteria, such as MRSA, is “inconclusive. In fact, animal scientists have known since at least the 1970s that routine feeding of antibiotics to livestock and poultry in CAFOs is a common source to antibiotic resistant bacteria. An estimated 80% of all antibiotics in the U.S. are used for livestock and poultry and 70% is routinely fed at sub-therapeutic levels. A comprehensive 2004 U.S. General Accounting Office review of the scientific literature on antibiotic resistance clearly linking antibiotic resistance to livestock feeding reported: “many studies have found that the use of antibiotics in animals poses significant risks for human health, but a small number of studies contend that the health risks of the transference are minimal.”xxii

By 2013, a U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention report indicated that any doubt about the potential for transference of antibiotic resistant bacteria from animals to humans has been resolved: “Scientists around the world have provided strong evidence that antibiotic use in food-producing animals can harm public health… Use of antibiotics in food-producing animals allows antibiotic-resistant bacteria to thrive while susceptible bacteria are suppressed or die. Resistant bacteria can be transmitted from food-producing animals to humans through the food supply.”xxiii Antibiotic resistant bacteria is a major public health risk and clearly linked to CAFOs

I haven’t even mentioned noxious odors, which are the first and probably most frequent concern by neighbors of CAFOs. A growing body of scientific evidence confirms that their concerns are well-founded. Proponents claim that while odors from CAFOs may be an occasional nuisance, they are no different from other agricultural operations which, by their nature, emit dust particles and odors into the air.  In fact, the anaerobic process by which animal manure decomposes in the large manure pits and cesspools associated with CAFOs are quite different from aerobic decomposition of manure in open fields. Chemical compounds associated with noxious odors from CAFOs include ammonia, nitrous oxide, and hydrogen sulfide.

The evidence linking noxious odors to health problems for people who work in CAFOs are too strong to be denied. Numerous scientific studies by reputable health institutions have also linked air pollution from CAFOs to a variety of respiratory ailments in people living near CAFOs. CAFOs have been shown to be particularly detrimental to the health of children in nearby schools. New technologies to control odors, promised for decades, but no effective controls have been deemed “economically feasible.” The Sierra Club, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement, and Humane Society of the U.S. have recently sued the EPA for failure to enforce the Clean Air Act by regulating air emissions from CAFOs.xxiv Hopefully, this case will bring the compelling evidence that odors from CAFOs represent public health risks to widespread public attention.

When confronted with scientific information linking public health risks to CAFOs, the defenders of CAFOs often rely on their allies in the large agricultural universities to say that the scientific evidence is still “inconclusive.” I call this the “tobacco defense.” The preponderance of scientific evidence against CAFOs, which already exists, eventually will become so large that it cannot be denied by the political system – as it did in the case of tobacco. It took several decades to change tobacco policy, even after the evidence against the tobacco industry was clear. As the public becomes better informed, CAFOs will be regulated like other polluting industries. Until then, we need to be prepared to defend ourselves.

So, why don’t we have effective regulations of CAFOs? The primary cause is that CAFOs are classified as “agriculture” rather than “industry.” This is the reason the corporate propaganda campaign is trying so hard to convince people that CAFOs are no different from traditional family farms by showing the “faces of farmers and ranchers.” This is a fallacy. In virtually every important respect, CAFOs are very different from traditional family farms. Farming traditionally has been a way of life, not just a business that makes money to support a family.

On traditional family farms, the family and farm are inseparable, and both are inseparable from their community. What is good for the community is good for the farm. Traditionally, farmers manage a diversity of farm enterprises, including crops and livestock, to mimic the mutually beneficial relationships among the diverse elements of healthy living ecosystems. Wastes from some enterprises become productive inputs for others, and products from some become raw materials for other value-adding enterprises. Wastes not utilized by farm enterprises are of magnitudes and concentrations easily assimilated in sustaining the biological health of natural ecosystems. Traditional farmers respect the bounds as well as the bounty of nature.

As a result, traditional family farms need only minimal public oversight and regulation. Regulations are only needed to correct occasional lapses in responsibility or to restrain the few who stray from the traditional culture of agriculture. Current laws and regulations of farming, including regulations of CAFOs, are based on the nature of traditional family farms, not today’s so-called modern farms. Current regulations obviously are not adequate for CAFOs, which are industrial operations, even if they are owned and operated by families. They need to be continually monitored and regulated, much as other industrial operations are monitored and regulated. Families that operate factory farms are not necessarily better or worse people than families on traditional farms. They are just managing an industrial operation, a factory, rather than a traditional farm, and they must be regulated accordingly.


Those who are obstructing effective regulations for CAFOs obviously have far more economic and political influence than those of us who are calling for either effective regulation or elimination of CAFOs. However, “we the people” have the ultimate power in a democracy. Even if we feel we have lost our democracy, we still have the power to reclaim it. People in both rural and urban communities ultimately must find the courage to stand up for their basic democratic and human rights of self-determination and self-defense, regardless of what their state laws or constitutions may allow. The “Declaration of Independence” states whenever we are faced with situations that reasonable people would find threatening to their “safety and happiness,” we have a basic human right to defend ourselves, even against the unjust rule of government.

This struggle is not ultimately a matter of dueling scientists or even public relations campaigns. It is a matter of ethics or, more accurate, of morality. Adam Smith, before writing his classical Wealth of Nations, wrote a book called A Theory of Moral Sentiments. The purpose of the book was to present his case for an objective, reasonable system of morality, a logical means of distinguishing right from wrong and good from bad. He proposed a four step process.

First, he wrote that when assessing the morality of a particular action, such as building a CAFO in a pristine natural environment, we should put ourselves in the place of the person who was proposing the action. We should try to put ourselves in the place of the person proposing this CAFO and ask if we would be willing to take that action, know what he obviously must know about the consequences of his actions on others. We should include consideration of those who live downwind and downstream and those of future generations who will depend on Chequamegon Bay and Lake Superior for drinking water and to connect with nature. Would we be willing to put those “others” at risk for the sake of personal economic gain?

Second, he wrote, we should put ourselves in the place of the other persons who will bear the consequences of the action. This should be easy for you who live in the area because you likely have been doing it for the past few months. Some in your community obviously are not all that concerned about the consequences of this CAFO, perhaps because they don’t know who to believe, expect to benefit economically, or have some other personal reason. Others of you obviously have thought about it and are willing to do everything you can to ensure that a CAFO is not built here. Adam Smith might ask, should whose who are concerned defer to those who are unconcerned, or do people have a fundamental right to defend themselves, regardless of whether others are concerned – whenever they have good, logical reasons to feel threatened?

Third, Smith suggested that we should put ourselves in the position of an “impartial observer” – a person who is not personally affected by the situation one way of another. In this situation, I suggest an “impartial observer” would logically rely on the scientific research concerning negative impacts on the natural environment, the welfare of animals, public health and food safety, and the impacts of CAFOs on the economic and social quality of life in communities where CAFOs have located over the past 50 years. To an “impartial observer” the conclusion should be clear: CAFOs are not morally justified, no matter how economically efficient or profitable they may be.

Fourth, Smith suggested we should see if we can find any “socially redeeming” qualities to justify acts that are otherwise immoral – such as “just wars.” In the case of CAFOs, there are simply no apparent socially redeeming qualities. They have not produced any more meat, milk, or eggs than could have been produce by traditional independent farmers; they have just employed fewer people. They have not reduced the cost of food to American consumers. In fact, food prices have risen faster than inflation rates during the industrialization of agriculture. Sustainable farms could produce more than enough food, if access to food was shared equitably and we quit wasting half what is produced. The rest of the world does not want or need CAFOs or any other kind of industrial agriculture. They can and will choose to produce their own food rather than allow their environments, their communities, and their way of life be destroyed by industrial agriculture. CAFOs have no socially redeeming quality to offset their immorality.

Finally, the fact that something is legal does not mean that it is moral. Slavery was once legal, but slavery was never moral. Women were once treated as the legal property of their husbands, but it was never moral to do so. It was once legal to smoke in airplanes and other public places, but it was never moral to impose needless health risks on someone else. CAFO operators may have a legal right to locate in a pristine area such as Bayfield County, but that does not mean they have a moral right to do so. This is more than a battle for hearts and minds, this is a battle for the soul of America. You have basic human right to protect your own health and the health of our social and ecological community. I suggest that you who live here also have a moral responsibility to do so, and the rest of us have a moral responsibility to help you.

Notes

 1. Food Dialogues, “About USFRA
 2. Pew Commission on Industrial Farm Animal Production: “Putting Meat on The Table: Industrial Farm Animal Production in America,” 2008, full report
3.  Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future, “Industrial Food Production in America; Examining the impacts of the Pew Commissions primary recommendations” 
4.  Wikipedia, “veganism,”  .
5.  U.S. Department of Agriculture Natural Resources Conservation Service and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, “Unified National Strategy for Animal Feeding Operations,” draft, September 11, 1998, as quoted in CAFO: The Tragedy of Industrial Animal Factories, Myths, Dan Imhoff, editor,
6.  Iowa Department of Natural Resources, Iowa’s Section 303(d) Impaired Water Listings
7.  Carla Klein, “The Facts about CAFOs and Health Ordinances,” Sierra Club, Ozark Chapter, 2006, 
8.  World Society for Protection of Animals, “What’s on Your Plate? The Hidden Costs of Industrial Animal Agriculture in Canada," 2012,  .
9.  U.S. Food and Drug Administration, Recalls, Market Withdrawals, and Safety Alerts,  .
10.  Cuiwei Zhao, and others, Prevalence of Campylobacter spp., Escherichia coli, and Salmonella Serovars in Retail Chicken, Turkey, Pork, and Beef from the Greater Washington, D.C., Area, Applied Environmental Microbiology, December 2001 vol. 67 no. 12. .short .
11.  Andrew E. Waters and others, Multidrug-Resistant Staphylococcus aureus in US Meat and Poultry, Clinical Infectious Diseases, (2011) 52 (10):1227-1230, published online: April 15, 2011.
12.  T.R. Callaway and others, Forage Feeding to Reduce Preharvest Escherichia coli Populations in Cattle, a Review, Journal of Dairy Science, March 2003 Volume 86, Issue 3, Pages 852–860,  .
13.  Economic Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture, “Price Spreads from Farm to Consumer,”  .
14.  Richard Volpe, “Price inflation for food outpacing many other spending categories,” Economic Research Service, USDA.   .
15. Verena Seufert, Navin Ramankutty, and Jonathan A. Foley, “Comparing the yields of organic and conventional agriculture,” Nature, Number 485, May 10, 2012, 229–232,  .(accessed September 15, 2014).
16.  Parke Wilde, “Crop yields are only part of the organic vs. conventional farming debate,” Grist, May 2012. 
 17. United Nations Environmental Program, Towards a Green Economy: Pathways to Sustainable Development and Poverty Eradication, 2010,  .
18. Fred Kirschenmann, “The challenge of ending hunger,” Leopold Center for Sustainable Agriculture, Leopold letter, winter 2012, .
19.  Olivier De Schutter, United Nations General Assembly, Human Rights Council, “Report submitted by the Special Rapporteur on the right to food,” 20 December 2010,
20.  Wisconsiswatch.org, “Immigrants now 40% of states dairy workforce,” November, 2009.
21.  Curtis Stofferahn, “Industrialized Farming and Its Relationship to Community Well-Being: an Update of the 2000 Report by Linda Labao,” special report prepared for the North Dakota, Office of Attorney General,  .
22.  U.S. Government Accounting Office report to congressional requestors, “ANTIBIOTIC RESISTANCE Federal Agencies Need to Better Focus Efforts to Address Risk to Humans from Antibiotic Use in Animals,” April 2004,  .
23.  U.S. Center for Disease Control and Prevention, Antibiotic Resistance Threats in the United States, 2013 Executive Summary,  .
24.  Donnelle Eller, “Groups sue EPA over animal confinement air pollution,” Des Moines Register, Jan 28, 2015,.