Showing posts with label breaking wisconsin news. Show all posts
Showing posts with label breaking wisconsin news. Show all posts

Jun 19, 2011

Wisconsin Supreme Court's Decline in Scholarship Partially Is Press' Fault

"A reasoned, accurate explanation is not an inconsequential nicety that this court may disregard for the sake of convenience or haste. It is the cornerstone of the legitimacy of judicial decision-making. ... In hastily reaching judgment, Justice Patience D. Roggensack, Justice Annette K. Ziegler, and Justice Michael J. Gableman author an order, joined by Justice David T. Prosser, lacking a reasoned, transparent analysis and incorporating numerous errors of law and fact. This kind of order seems to open the court unnecessarily to the charge that the majority has reached a pre-determined conclusion not based on the facts and the law, which undermines the majority's ultimate decision.
- Chief Justice Shirley Abrahamson

A prominent piece on the cover of Sunday's Wisconsin State Journal authored by a talented journalist, Matthew DeFour, missed the mark in noting the open and "sharply worded" dissent of Chief Justice Shirley Abrahamsom and the "schism" in the Wisconsin Supreme Court regarding the Open Meeting case and generally.
Robert H. Jackson
It's difficult and sometimes unethical for members the legal community to state in effect that the four Republican justices of the seven-member Court are corrupt partisans.

Press Plays It Dumb

But DeFour surely can find a source on the UW-Madison law faculty who will speak the truth that Wisconsin's top appellate court's commitment to impartiality and application of the law has given way to corruption: Four votes to three.

To borrow from U.S. Justice Robert H. Jackson's (1941-1954) famous admonition to jurists; GOP operatives working as jurists on our state's top Court have a "perverted sense of practical values, as well as defects of character."

A schism is a contrived spin, and poor reporting, of the fact that the four GOP partisans are creatures of the chimera of corporate and religious right zealotry while the other justices actually take the rule of law and their offices seriously.

The GOP wing doesn't even attempt a considered opinion.

"You would think that they [the GOP justices] would be embarrassed to publish" said an attorney who has argued before the Court and speaks on background because it is considered unethical for an attorney to cast aspersions on the Court in this manner. "Everyone [attorneys] I talked to about it [the Open Meeting case] predicted in advance where the opinions would fall. The Republicans don't like Abrahamsom because she humiliates them [the GOP justices]. But this is about power, not legal scholarship."

A scholarly opinion from Justices Prosser, Roggensack, Ziegler and Gableman on a GOP political priority is about as likely as a disquisition on American history from Sarah Palin.

But don't look to the mainstream press to hold the Court to good government standards.

DeFour, like his equally talented colleague, Dee Hall, and really most journalists covering the Court, refuse to note Wisconsin's Code of Judicial Conduct that mandates "'impartiality' (meaning) the absence of bias or prejudice in favor of, or against, particular parties, or classes of parties, as well as maintaining an open mind in considering issues that may come before the judge."

It is regarded as irrelevant to legal coverage.

Justice Abrahamsom's dissent [in 2011AP613-LV;  2011AP765-W] follows:
Chief Justice Shirley Abrahamson (1976-Present)
¶74 SHIRLEY S. ABRAHAMSON, C.J. (concurring in part and dissenting in part). I agree that the Budget Repair Bill is not in effect. I further agree that the certification by the court of appeals should be denied.

¶75 Moreover, I agree that the challenge to the legality of the Budget Repair Bill, a bill that significantly affects all the people of this state, presents important fundamental constitutional issues about the separation of powers; the roles of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government; and judicial review.

¶76 It is exactly because the issues in the present case are of such constitutional and public policy importance that I do not join the order.

¶77 In a case in which the court is called upon to review the legitimacy of the legislative process, it is of paramount importance that the court adhere to the Wisconsin Constitution and its own rules and procedures, lest the legitimacy of the judicial process and this court's decision be called into question.

¶78 The Dane County Circuit Court took the time and made the effort to consider the issues carefully and write a 48-page decision, including findings of fact and conclusions of law, explaining and supporting its reasoning. In contrast, this court gives this important case short shrift. Today the majority announces for the first time that it is accepting the case. And today the majority decides the case.[3]

¶79 In rendering a decision, a court is to provide not merely an answer but also a reasoned, accurate explanation. A reasoned, accurate explanation is not an inconsequential nicety that this court may disregard for the sake of convenience or haste. It is the cornerstone of the legitimacy of judicial decision-making.

¶80 At first glance, the order appears to provide some support for broad conclusions reached on fundamental and complex issues of law. But on even casual reading, the explanations are clearly disingenuous, based on disinformation.

¶81 Justice Prosser's concurrence is longer than the order. The concurrence consists mostly of a statement of happenings. It is long on rhetoric and long on story-telling that appears to have a partisan slant. Like the order, the concurrence reaches unsupported conclusions.

¶82 In hastily reaching judgment, Justice Patience D. Roggensack, Justice Annette K. Ziegler, and Justice Michael J. Gableman author an order, joined by Justice David T. Prosser, lacking a reasoned, transparent analysis and incorporating numerous errors of law and fact. This kind of order seems to open the court unnecessarily to the charge that the majority has reached a pre-determined conclusion not based on the facts and the law, which undermines the majority's ultimate decision.

¶83 Justice N. Patrick Crooks explains the flaws in the order's and concurrence's attempt to recast the petition for supervisory writ as an original action. He explains why this court should decide this case in an orderly appellate review of the circuit court's order with a full opinion. I join his writing.

¶84 I write to emphasize that in a case turning on separation of powers and whether the legislature must abide by the Open Meetings Law and the Wisconsin Constitution in adopting the Budget Repair Bill, it is imperative that this court carefully abide by its authority under the Constitution and follow its own rules and procedures.

¶85 A court's failure to follow rules and a court's failure to provide a sufficient, forthright, and reasoned analysis undermine both the court's processes and the decision itself. Only with a reasoned, accurate analysis can a court assure the litigants and the public that a decision is made on the basis of the facts and law, free from a judge's personal ideology and free from external pressure by the executive or legislative branches, by partisan political parties, by public opinion, or by special interest groups.

I

¶86 At its most basic level this case is about the need for government officials to follow the Wisconsin Constitution and the laws.

¶87 The District Attorney's challenge to the Budget Repair Bill asserts that the Open Meetings Law is a codification of the mandates expressly provided for in the Wisconsin Constitution. The District Attorney relies on Article IV, Section 10, "[t]he doors of each house shall be kept open," and also on Article I, Section 4: "The right of the people peaceably to assemble, to consult for the common good, and to petition the government, or any department thereof, shall never be abridged."

¶88 The legislature declared in the Open Meetings Law that the legislature would comply with the Law to the fullest extent "in conformance with article IV, section 10" of the Wisconsin Constitution.[4] Statutes are interpreted to give effect to every word. A court assumes that the legislature says what it means, and means what it says. The words in a statute are not to be treated as rhetorical flair.

¶89 Nevertheless, the Attorney General asserts that the legislature need not abide by the Open Meetings Law; that the legislature can choose when and if it will follow the Open Meetings Law; and that courts cannot enforce the Open Meetings Law against the legislature and any of its committees.[5]

¶90 The legislature must play by the rules of the Wisconsin Constitution and the laws.

¶91 Playing by the rules and playing fair are integral to public trust and confidence in our government officials——legislative, executive, and judicial. Public trust and confidence in the integrity of the judicial branch is engendered by a court's issuing a reasoned public decision based on public records after public arguments. The judicial branch claims legitimacy by the reasoning of its decisions. "Any step that withdraws an element of the judicial process from public view makes the ensuing decision look more like fiat and requires rigorous justification."[6]

¶92 Trust and confidence in the integrity of the judicial branch as an institution is critical at all times but especially when a case has high public visibility, is mired in partisan politics, and is emotionally charged. The need for reasoned judgment is at its greatest in a case such as this one, in which substantial public policy and budgetary decisions of the coordinate branches may be affected.[7] The issues presented in this case are steeped in a politically charged environment and involve highly controversial public policy and budgetary matters.

¶93 That the judiciary has the power of judicial review, that is, the power to interpret the Constitution and hear challenges to the constitutionality of legislative enactments, without pressure from the executive or legislative branches, is a fundamental principle of the United States and Wisconsin Constitutions.

¶94 This fundamental principle of judicial review was described in Federalist No. 78,[8] which emphasized the importance of the separation of powers and of an independent judiciary to ensure that legislative enactments are consistent with the constitution.

There is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers.

. . . .

The complete independence of the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution. . . .

A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body.

¶95 Ascertaining the meaning of the Wisconsin Constitution and whether the enactment of the Budget Repair Bill complies with constitutional directives is the essence of the present case. And the court must do so adhering to the Constitution, laws, and its own rules of procedure.

II

¶96 The order and Justice Prosser's concurrence are based on errors of fact and law. They inappropriately use this court's original jurisdiction, make their own findings of fact, mischaracterize the parties' arguments, misinterpret statutes, minimize (if not eliminate) Wisconsin constitutional guarantees, and misstate case law, appearing to silently overrule case law dating back to at least 1891. This case law recognizes a court's power to review legislative actions in enacting laws when constitutional directives are at issue.

A. The Order and the Concurrence Inappropriately Use This Court's Original Jurisdiction.

¶97 The order mistakenly asserts that the State of Wisconsin and Secretary Huebsch filed "a petition for supervisory/original jurisdiction pursuant to Wis. Stat. §§ (Rules) 809.70 and 809.71." No petition for original jurisdiction pursuant to Wis. Stat. § (Rule) 809.70 was filed in this court by any party. The petition that was filed is captioned "petition for supervisory writ pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 809.71 and for immediate temporary relief pursuant to Wis. Stat. § 809.52," and the text of the petition adheres to the caption.

¶98 This court's authority for review is derived from the Wisconsin Constitution, which provides that the court has two types of jurisdiction: appellate and original.[9] They are separate and distinct jurisdictions, serving different purposes. "The concept of original jurisdiction allows cases involving matters of great public importance to be commenced in the supreme court in the first instance."[10]

¶99 There is nothing "original" or "in the first instance" here. By commencing an original action on the court's own motion to review the final judgment of the circuit court, the order and Justice Prosser's concurrence are blending the separate and distinct concepts of original and appellate jurisdiction.[11]

¶100 Why is this important? By blending what are under our constitutional authority separate and distinct jurisdictions——original and appellate——the order and concurrence attempt to skirt the normal standards of appellate review. Faced with no record, they conjure their own facts——something this court should never do, regardless of whether it is exercising appellate or original jurisdiction.

¶101 If this court wishes to take jurisdiction of the factual and legal issues presented in this matter, the legitimate and constitutional route is through an appeal. And indeed Justice Prosser reviews the circuit court's decision as if this case were an appeal.

B. The Order and the Concurrence Make Their Own Factual Findings.

¶102 The order states: "The doors of the senate and assembly were kept open to the press and members of the public during the enactment of the Act. The doors of the senate parlor, where the joint committee on conference met, were open to the press and members of the public. WisconsinEye broadcast the proceedings live.[12] Access was not denied."

¶103 Footnote 1 of the order implies that these findings of fact are supported by the transcripts of the hearings before the circuit court, which were filed in "appendices accompanying the various motions and petitions filed herein."

¶104 Justice Crooks, at ¶143 n.15, powerfully explains that reliance on information in transcripts not in the record before this court is a departure from settled precedent.

¶105 In his concurrence, Justice Prosser makes his own factual findings. Indeed, most of his concurrence is a statement of happenings. Yet Justice Prosser asserts in ¶19 "that there are no issues of material fact that prevent the court from addressing the legal issues presented."

¶106 Where do all of these facts come from? Not from the certification proceedings (which the order denies) or from the petition for supervisory writ (which the court transforms into an original action). Not from the decision or final judgment of the Dane County Circuit Court. Indeed, some of the "findings of fact" are in direct contravention of the facts found by the circuit court. By casting this as an original action, the four justices are able to skirt facts that may impede the rush to their ultimate destination.

¶107 The four justices are entitled to their opinions, but they are not entitled to their own facts. This court is not a fact-finding court.

¶108 If findings of fact are required in the exercise of our original jurisdiction, there are procedures for getting those facts. Instead of adhering to those procedures, the four justices set forth their own version of facts without evidence. They should not engage in this disinformation.

C. The Order and the Concurrence Mischaracterize the Arguments of the Parties.

¶109 No party argues to the court, as the order claims, that "the legislature amended Article IV, Section 10 of the Wisconsin Constitution by its enactment of the Open Meetings Law." The order builds a straw house so that it can blow it down.

¶110 Justice Prosser suggests that the argument of the parties is that the Open Meetings Law is a codification of Article IV, Section 10 of the Wisconsin Constitution such that the statutes amend the Constitution. Justice Prosser too builds a straw house to blow down with uncontested, accepted blackletter law that the Wisconsin Constitution cannot be changed by statute.

D. The Order and the Concurrence Fail to Address Adequately the Role of the Secretary of State.

¶111 The order and concurrence fail to examine carefully the arguments of the Secretary of State about the respective roles of the Secretary of State and the Legislative Reference Bureau in the publication of legislative acts, the printing of notice in the official state newspaper, and the effective date of a statute. See Wis. Stat. §§ 14.38(10), 35.095(3)(b), 991.11.

E. The Order and the Concurrence Minimize, If Not Eliminate, The Wisconsin Constitutional Guarantee, Article IV, Section 10, That "The Doors of Each House Shall Be Kept Open."

¶112 This constitutional provision, Article IV, Section 10 of the Wisconsin Constitution, has never before been interpreted by this court or any Wisconsin court. The order interprets and dismisses the constitutional provision in four short sentences without citation or rationale——an unsupported, four-sentence interpretation of a fundamental constitutional guarantee ensured by the people of Wisconsin!

¶113 After stating its own factual findings, the order dismisses the significant constitutional argument with four words: "Access was not denied." By this interpretation, the constitutional right of the people to know what its legislature is doing has been significantly minimized, if not eliminated.

¶114 Instead of the order's four-sentence analysis of this important constitutional provision, Justice Prosser sets forth a two-paragraph analysis. He goes further than the order with a novel interpretation of this constitutional provision. He states that the "manifest purpose" of Article IV, Section 10 of the Wisconsin Constitution is "to prevent state legislative business from being conducted in secret except in extremely limited circumstances." From whence cometh Justice Prosser's "manifest purpose?" He doesn't say.

F. The Order and the Concurrence Misstate Case Law, Appearing To Silently Overrule A Court's Power To Review Legislative Actions For Compliance With Constitutional Directives.

¶115 The order and Justice Prosser's concurring opinion treat the answers to the significant questions of law presented as clear and beyond dispute, controlled by uncontroverted precedent. The order and the concurrence do not tell the full legal story.

¶116 The court of appeals certified the legal questions to this court because the answers are not clear and our precedent is conflicting. The court of appeals determined that clarification is required regarding "the interaction between the Open Meetings Law and a line of cases dealing with the separation of power doctrine," citing to four cases: Goodland v. Zimmerman, 243 Wis. 459, 10 N.W.2d 180 (1943); State ex rel. Lynch v. Conta, 71 Wis. 2d 662, 239 N.W.2d 313 (1976); State ex rel. La Follette v. Stitt, 114 Wis. 2d 358, 338 N.W.2d 684 (1983); and Milwaukee Journal Sentinel v. Wisconsin Dep't of Admin., 2009 WI 79, 319 Wis. 2d 439, 768 N.W.2d 700.

¶117 "In sum," the court of appeals stated, "Goodland and Stitt appear to favor the Secretary of State's position [the position now forwarded by the State of Wisconsin and Secretary Huebsch] that courts lack authority to invalidate legislation enacted in violation of the Open Meetings Law or, at the least, to do so before publication. In contrast, Lynch and Milwaukee Journal Sentinel support the District Attorney's view."

¶118 Neither the order nor the concurrence comes to grips with the issue in the present case, namely whether the Open Meetings Law complies with constitutional directives, specifically Article IV, Section 10 and Article I, Section 4, so that the court must enforce the Open Meetings Law.

¶119 First, the order misrepresents Milwaukee Journal Sentinel v. Wisconsin Department of Administration, 2009 WI 79, 319 Wis. 2d 439, 768 N.W.2d 700, as not involving the legislature's compliance with a statute. In the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel case, the court declared that it had jurisdiction to determine whether the legislature complied with Wis. Stat. § 111.92(1)(a), a statute governing legislative procedure, because that statute furthered the constitutional directives found in Article IV, Section 17(2) of the Wisconsin Constitution.

¶120 Second, the order fails to acknowledge that the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel case explained that a court will interpret and apply a procedural statute to determine whether the legislative action complies "with constitutional directives":

[W]e need not decide whether Wis. Stat. § 111.92(1)(a) is a rule of legislative proceeding because a statute's terms must be interpreted to comply with constitutional directives. Accordingly, even if the statute might otherwise be characterized as a legislative rule of proceeding, we may interpret the statute and apply it to the legislative action to determine whether that action complies with the relevant constitutional mandates. Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803); [State ex rel. La Follette v.] Stitt, 114 Wis. 2d [358, at] 367, [338 N.W.2d 684 (1983)]; McDonald v. State, 80 Wis. 407, 411-12, 50 N.W. 185 (1891).

Therefore, because both Wis. Stat. § 111.92(1)(a) and Article IV, Section 17(2) require the legislature to take additional actions to amend existing law or to create new law, and we have jurisdiction to interpret the Wisconsin Constitution and the Wisconsin Statutes, we have the authority to evaluate legislative compliance with § 111.92(1)(a). Stitt, 114 Wis. 2d at 367, 338 N.W.2d 684. Accordingly, we reject WSEU's argument in this respect, and proceed to determine whether the legislature complied with § 111.92(1)(a) in light of the Wisconsin Constitution.

Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, 319 Wis. 2d 439, ¶¶19, 20 (footnote omitted).

¶121 Justice Prosser fails to mention the case.

¶122 The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel case was based on at least three earlier cases, all concluding that a court may require the legislature to comply with a legislative procedural rule or statute if the procedural rule or statute furthers a constitutional directive.[13]

¶123 The order and Justice Prosser's concurrence put in jeopardy Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and prior case law that declares that a court may determine whether legislative action in enactment of a law complies with a relevant constitutional directive.

¶124 Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (and its precursors) correctly state the applicable principles of judicial review, the doctrine of separation of powers, and the functions of the legislature and judiciary.

III

¶125 In sum, the litigants and the public deserve more than the majority's hasty judgment.

¶126 Each person must abide by the law. Each branch of government must abide by the law. This court must ensure that the law governing judicial decision-making is followed. Justice Brandeis stated these principles eloquently as follows:

In a government of laws, existence of the government will be imperiled if it fails to observe the law scrupulously. Our government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches the whole people by its example. Crime is contagious. If the government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy. . . . Against that pernicious doctrine this court should resolutely set its face.

Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438, 485 (1928) (Brandeis, J., dissenting).

¶127 The resoluteness called for by Justice Brandeis is no less applicable to the observance of the fundamental principles of the courts in our system of government. Unreasoned judgments breed contempt for the law. The majority, by sacrificing honest reasoning, leads us down a pernicious path. The order today departs from fundamental principles. It fails to abide by the court's Constitutional authority and its own rules and procedures and harms the rights of the people from whom our authority derives.[14] The legitimate and constitutional route to decide the issues presented is through an appeal.

¶128 For the reasons stated, I do not join the order.

¶129 I am authorized to state that Justices ANN WALSH BRADLEY and N. PATRICK CROOKS join this writing.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTES

[3] This case came to the court at the end of March. Thereafter, the court issued two separate orders asking the parties to address numerous questions. We held extended oral argument on June 6 presented by six parties.

[4] Wis. Stat. § 19.81 (3): "In conformance with article IV, section 10, of the constitution, which states that the doors of each house shall remain open, except when the public welfare requires secrecy, it is declared to be the intent of the legislature to comply to the fullest extent with [the Open Meetings Law]."

[5] The District Attorney and Senator Miller assert that the Attorney General is attacking the constitutionality of the Open Meetings Law by asserting that the court cannot enforce the Law against the legislature. In other words, the Attorney General is arguing that the Open Meetings Law is categorically invalid with regard to the legislature. For a discussion of a categorical attack on the constitutionality of a statute, see State v. Ninham, 2011 WI 33, ___ Wis. 2d ___, 797 N.W.2d 451. The Attorney General does not have the general authority to attack the constitutionality of the statute, without statutory authorization from the legislature or some other constitutional or common-law doctrine giving the Attorney General such authority. State v. City of Oak Creek, 2000 WI 9, ¶33, 232 Wis. 2d 612, 605 N.W.2d 526.

[6] Hicklin Eng'g, L.C. v. Bartell, 439 F.3d 346, 348-49 (7th Cir. 2006).

[7] As other courts have admonished, reasoned judgment is especially needed "when a judicial decision accedes to the requests of a coordinate branch, lest ignorance of the basis for the decision cause the public to doubt that 'complete independence of the courts of justice [which] is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution.'" United States v. Aref, 533 F.3d 72, 83 (2d Cir. 2008).

[8] The Federalist Papers, written in 1787-88, were drafted to promote ratification of the United States Constitution. They remain a significant primary source for constitutional interpretation.

[9] See Wis. Const. art. VII, § 3(2): "The supreme court has appellate jurisdiction over all courts and may hear original actions and proceedings."

[10] Michael S. Heffernan, Appellate Practice and Procedure in Wisconsin § 25.1 (5th ed. 2011). See also Petition of Heil, 230 Wis. 428, 446, 284 N.W. 42 (1938); In re Exercise of Original Jurisdiction, 201 Wis. 123, 229 N.W. 643 (1930).

This case is not an original action in any sense of the phrase. The Dane County Circuit Court has already issued a final determination regarding each and every question of fact and question of law that is addressed in the order.

[11] A petition for an original action will be granted when the questions presented are of such importance "to call for a speedy and authoritative determination by this court in the first instance . . . ." Petition of Heil, 230 Wis. 428, 446, 284 N.W. 42 (1939).

This court has previously taken original jurisdiction in two cases despite an identical case pending before the circuit court. In both cases the issue was narrow and an emergency existed with no other remedy available; an appeal could not be taken timely to get the person on the ballot within the statutory framework for printing ballots; review was necessary to protect Wisconsin citizens' right to vote for the candidate of their choosing. See State of Wisconsin ex rel. Nader v. Circuit Court for Dane County, No. 2004AP2559-W, unpublished order (2004); State ex rel. Barber v. Circuit Court for Marathon County, 178 Wis. 468, 190 N.W. 563 (1922).

In the present case, there is no such exigency. First, the issues presented raise fundamental constitutional principles relating to the powers of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, as well as questions regarding the scope of the rights of the people of this State to know about the actions taken by their government and their right to access the legislative process. The issues are not narrow, and the issues involve conflicting precedent.

Second, there is no "emergency." The Attorney General asserts that an emergency exists because each day the alleged breach of separation of powers is not resolved irreparable damage is done to the representative government of this State. But if that assertion meets the definition of "emergency," then any time any party asserts that a law or an action is unconstitutional it would constitute an "emergency" for this court to decide. That's not the law of the state or country.

The "ordinary course" of an appeal could afford the petitioners any warranted relief. In the alternative, the legislature could pass the Budget Repair Bill in conformance with the Open Meetings Law, rendering the circuit court's determinations ineffective. This court could still decide the important separation of powers issues presented.

[12] Press coverage is not necessarily the equivalent of allowing the public to be present. Cf. Douglas v. Wainwright, 714 F.2d 1532, 1542-43 (11th Cir. 1983), vacated, 468 U.S. 1206 (1984), adhered to on remand, 739 F.2d 531 (11th Cir. 1984) (relating to the constitutional guarantee of a public trial).

[13] See State ex rel. La Follette v. Stitt, 114 Wis. 2d 358, 364, 338 N.W.2d 684 (1983) (A court "will not intermeddle in what we view, in the absence of constitutional directives to the contrary, to be purely legislative concerns . . . . [C]ourts generally consider that the legislature's adherence to the rules or statutes prescribing procedure is a matter entirely within legislative control and discretion, not subject to judicial review unless the legislative procedure is mandated by the constitution" (emphasis added).).

See State ex rel. Lynch v. Conta, 71 Wis. 2d 662, 695, 239 N.W.2d 313 (1976), in which the court was asked to enforce an earlier version of the Open Meetings Law. The court observed that the "time-honored precept, established in Marbury v. Madison, [provides that] the judiciary may review the acts of the legislature for any conflict with the Constitution" (emphasis added).

As early as McDonald v. State, 80 Wis. 407, 411-12, 50 N.W. 185 (1891), substantially similar language appeared: "The bill for ch. 488 was therefore regularly passed, and the chapter is a valid law, unless it comes within the provisions of sec. 8, art. VIII, of the [Wisconsin] constitution" (emphasis added).

[14] Our state constitution declares: "The blessings of a free government can only be maintained by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles." Wis. Const. art. I, § 22.

Apr 23, 2010

Suit Against Vatican and the Pope Reveals Details

Wisconsin families of sex abuse survivors are saying to the Vatican: It's not alright, and you will not get away with this outrage.
Suit against pope, Vatican details Wisconsin abuse

Man allegedly molested by priest accuses pontiff, senior Vatican officials of failing to protect children

By DINESH RAMDE and ERIC GORSKI, Associated Press

New documents released in the case of a Wisconsin priest accused of molesting boys at a school for the deaf show the Vatican was alerted earlier than previously thought.

A letter released Thursday by the attorney in a lawsuit against the Vatican shows that one of the alleged victims wrote to a Vatican official in 1995.

That was two years before the Vatican green-lighted a secret canonical trial against the Rev. Lawrence Murphy.

Previously, it was believed that the Vatican first learned of the allegations in a 1996 letter from the Milwaukee archbishop.

Murphy was accused of molesting at least 200 deaf children from 1950 to 1975. He died in 1998.

The Vatican was studying the lawsuit and had no immediate comment.

MILWAUKEE (AP) -- An Illinois man who says he was molested by a Wisconsin priest as a child filed a federal lawsuit Thursday accusing Pope Benedict XVI and senior Vatican officials of failing to protect children from a man the Vatican knew was a possible child molester.

The Vatican had no immediate comment.

The plaintiff, identified in court papers as John Doe 16, said he was repeatedly molested by the Rev. Lawrence Murphy while he was a student at the Milwaukee-area St. John's School for the Deaf. The lawsuit says the abuse occurred over a number of years and included incidents where Murphy solicited sex in the confessional.

The lawsuit seeks the release of confidential Vatican files detailing clergy abuse allegations, as well as unspecified monetary damages. It also seeks a jury trial.

The lawsuit doesn't list the years of the alleged abuse. Murphy taught at the school from 1950 to 1974.

Murphy, who died in 1998, is accused of sexually abusing some 200 boys at the school during that period. His case drew renewed scrutiny after the recent release of documents suggesting that a Vatican office led by then-Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger -- now the Pope -- failed to aggressively discipline Murphy.

John Doe 16 said he wrote two letters to Vatican official Angelo Sodano reporting the abuse by Murphy and asking for help.

The lawsuit says Sodano, Ratzinger and fellow Vatican official Tarcisio Bertone all knew about the allegations against Murphy and conspired to keep them secret. The lawsuit says the claims are based on "information and belief" but doesn't offer proof.

"Ratzinger and Bertone each knew that their inaction and delay would cause harm to Plaintiff and other former deaf students," the lawsuit states.

The court document suggests that the Vatican failed to discipline Murphy because he was a prolific fundraiser.

The defendants are Ratzinger, Bertone, Sodano and the Holy See, identified as the state of the Vatican City. Cardinal Bertone was Ratzinger's deputy at the time of the investigation and is now the Vatican's secretary of state.

The Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, has previously said the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith was only informed of the Murphy case some 20 years after the diocese knew of the allegations and after civil authorities decided to drop their investigation. The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith is the powerful office that among other things investigates clerical sex abuse.

Lombardi has said that given Murphy's age and health, and that no further allegations had been leveled against him, the Congregation suggested that the Wisconsin bishops restrict his ministry rather than stage a full-blown canonical trial against him.

The Wisconsin bishops ordered the proceedings halted, but in the end, Murphy died while still a defendant in a canonical trial.
------

Associated Press Writer Nicole Winfield in Vatican City contributed to this report.

Sep 19, 2009

MSJ: Mercury Managers Sue for Unpaid Bonuses

John Schmid has a piece in the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel on mid-level managers at Mercury Marine in Fond du Lac unhappy about unpaid bonuses. Reports Schmid:

As union workers at Mercury Marine fought over contract concessions meant to save hundreds of jobs in Wisconsin, the company's midlevel managers filed a lawsuit over unpaid bonuses.

The class-action lawsuit, filed last month in federal court, argues that the Fond du Lac-based outboard-engine maker failed to pay $7 million in bonuses to roughly 100 managers. According to the suit, senior Mercury executives instructed lower level managers in April 2008 to implement a cost-savings program and assured managers that they would receive 10% of whatever savings they managed to achieve as an incentive.

The suit names Brunswick Corp., Mercury's parent company, as defendant. Brunswick cancelled bonuses despite repeated assurances that the managers were entitled to a 'self-funded bonus program,' said Gregory Gill Sr., the attorney representing the managers.

One wonders how much of the cost-savings concessions the union gave back on its contract will be paid in bonuses to the workers.

Sep 2, 2009

Marshall & Ilsley (M&I) Worries Persist

Marshall & Ilsley (M&I) bank holding company has been the topic of concern in financial and professional service communities for some time.

Yesterday's news that Fitch Ratings "has placed the Issuer Default Rating (IDR) and debt ratings of Marshall & Ilsley Corporation (MI) and its subsidiary banks ... [on] Rating Watch Negative" has solidified concerns about the health of the financial holding company that is the largest Wisconsin-based bank company, with some 194 offices in the state.

Some see M&I's outstanding commercial real estate loans as worrying.

Aug 24, 2009

Keeping Merc

Mercury Marine (a division of Brunswick Corp.) wants to ditch Fond du Lac and the Fox Valley.

Merc says it needs to scrap its contract with the Machinists union, (IAM) Local 1947.

So how about Fond du Lac, Fond du Lac County, surrounding communities and Wisconsin pony up on a capital project paying Merc the difference in wages and benefits that Merc says it cannot afford on the existing contract?

Sounds reasonable to me.

Call it "economic protection fees" for the good of the neighborhood.

Aug 23, 2009

Union Says 'No', Mercury Marine Is Typical Anti-American Corp

Update II: FDL Reporter: "Mercury union workers have voted down a contract proposal that company officials say would have kept Mercury Marine in Fond du Lac."

Update: See the Fond du Lac Reporter coverage for updates.

I come from down in the valley
where mister, when you’re young,
they bring you to do
as your daddy done.
- Bruce Springsteen, The River

The vote happens today. And an American corporation, Mercury Marine (a division of Brunswick Corp.) has made clear it is prepared to unleash an economic hurricane on Wisconsin communities with no regret.

Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, is the focus of press coverage universally stating the 1,000s of jobs and millions of dollars depend on the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM) union vote today.

It's up to the union, they say with no mention of the deranged character of the Brunswick Corp. that would devastate a community with premeditation and in cold blood.

The company has eroded the number of workers and the union at its Fond du Lac site for the past several years. Now, it's time to really kill.

This union vote could sound the death knell for some 800 union workers left at Mercury Marine and for the local union that has fought for its rights and benefits.

Just like NewPage and GM before it, Mercury Marine is putting corporate greed before the good of the Wisconsin community in which it has resided for lifetimes.

Everyone in Fond du Lac knows someone or even generations of families who have worked at Merc. But that doesn't seem to count for much nowadays.

Fondy will see a signal moment in its life today but please note that it is corporate greed and betrayal that ought to be on trial and not the union members of (IAM) Local 1947.

It is Mercury Marine that has given the workers an untenable choice. It is the company that wants to move all its operations to Stillwater, Oklahoma, to be in a non-union state, even though the city of Fond du Lac and the state of Wisconsin have been loyal and faithful partners.

You see, Mercury Marine has announced in effect that workers, Fond du Lac, the Fox Valley, and Wisconsin can all go to hell if Merc doesn't get the union vote they want on a new contract.

If Merc abandons the state of Wisconsin and its workers, no one will be surprised: And Fondy will be just another devastated community where hard-working people are tossed aside by corporate America with no sense of loyalty or decency.

If, as seems likely, the union votes for a contract at the point of a gun [right], Merc should be remembered for its deranged character displayed.

A lot of sweat is being poured into this union vote today--from the workers, the city, the county, the State but the company has made up its mind already.

It doesn't care--it will stay or go dependent solely on where labor will be cheapest and the hell with the people and community loyalty.

Contemplating economic genocide is pathological and make no mistake, if Merc moves out of Fond du Lac, many in the community will be destroyed, left to face bankruptcy and worse.

But don't expect many to bring up the moral obligations that industries owe the American public.

Aug 19, 2009

Gingrich Hits Gov Crats' Death Mandate, Praises Wisc Hospital

It's past time for President Obama to call a liar a liar.

The GOP is in full campaign mode with lots of money and lies. And Obama is playing this game like a 1/4-speed, sixth-grade football scrimmage.

Newt Gingrich's e-mail this morning continues the outrageous lies about proposed health care reform, and Gingrich ironically works in a plug for a Wisconsin hospital and patients' rights to make living, medical-care wills:

Emotions are high in the debate over the future of our health care, and for good reason. What we are discussing are deeply personal, often deeply emotional issues.

Americans are troubled by what we're hearing from Washington because we don't want government to dictate these deeply personal, deeply emotional decisions. Especially those decisions that come near the end of life.

Gingrich knows perfectly well that there no proposed death panels or mandates from Washington on how a person can end her life.

But now Gingrich is the new libertarian, death-with-dignity-and-compassion man.

It's a lie and Obama refuses to engage the lies and not surprisingly polls show support for health care reform plummeting.

Gingrich presents a Wisconsin hospital as a model for how one should be able to end her life vis a vis being told by outsiders what she must do. [That Terri Schaivo thing a few years ago never happened.] Writes Gingrich:

We had that kind of an experience at Gunderson Lutheran Hospital in Lacrosse, Wisconsin, where my father-in-law died.

At Gunderson - without any mandates from government - 92 percent of patients have advanced directives setting out what kind of care they want at the end of life.

Patients are treated with compassion, dignity and humanity. Families are engaged. Doctors are allowed to do what they think is best for patients, without fearing that the federal government is looking over their shoulders.

Obama is in a bubble expanding to Bush league proportions. Way past time to burst it.

Who is telling Obama not to take on the whacks and the liars? The same people who are letting the Party of Terri Schaivo become the Party of death with dignity and compassion.

This morning the New York Times quotes Rahm Emanuel: “The Republican leadership has made a strategic decision that defeating President Obama’s health care proposal is more important for their political goals than solving the health insurance problems that Americans face every day.”

Good, nice observation, but health care should be owned by the Democratic Party as an issue and Obama seems content to play Mr. Nice Guy.

Jun 10, 2009

GOP Lies and Lies

Update: See Bruce Murphy's piece that argues GOP is desperate against Doyle, mocking the silly notion that Doyle is doomed.

But lying is the Republican way.

Faced with the hollowed-out economy executed by the Bush-Cheney administration, 47 states this year face ballooning budget deficits, according to an analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

State legislatures and governors from California to Maine are fighting to clean up the fiscal carnage.

So the over-heated GOP shills in Wisconsin snipe and gripe, screaming about the state budget addressing the $6 billion deficit: The worst ever, sure to draw the wrath of the people.

Yes, the state budget not yet approved is the cause of economic misery and generates outrage across the state. Right.

And Jim Doyle is sure to feel this wrath and outrage. Milwaukee talk radio and GOP shills are never wrong.

Where were these fiscal Republican geniuses the last eights years that saw the Bush administration applaud and actually brag about economic progress as 1,000,000s of jobs were outsourced? Smirking no doubt.

Where were these geniuses the last eight years that saw in 2001 the projected elimination of all public debt [and states arguing about what to do with their surpluses] morph into Bush bequeathing $10 trillion debt to the new administration and the 50 states in fiscal crises? That's easy, they were applauding King George's leadership and courage.

Remember the "deficits don't matter" assurance infamously voiced by our intrepid former vice-president.

As the GOP scolds, do yourself a favor and don't buy their snake oil.

Their public record and commitment to honest commentary ain't the best as the omission of inconvenient facts make clear.

If we could get a honest policy discussion from Republicans, our country and our fellow states would not be in this mess.

Mar 27, 2009

Hey Wisconsin, Remember the Fear of Zero National Debt

As Gov. Doyle grapples with the giant budget deficits, it's worth recalling a time when zero national debt was feared and states argued about how much fiscal revenue they should shave off their budgets.

In 2001 Fed Chair Alan Greenspan testified before the Senate Budget Committee on the potential dangers of having no federal debt [we're at $11 trillion now], a fiscal legacy of the Clinton administration that Bush, Cheney and his rightwing ideologues were desperate to avoid.

It was an ambiguous and wide-ranging testimony, recounted by Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neil in The Price of Loyalty, that included Greenspan's "fear that large surpluses would create a drag on the economy," among other expressed cautions and concerns about the then-proposed Bush tax cuts (O'Neil p. 63).

But the damage was done and Greenspan gave political cover (then and in later statements) to the reckless Bush tax cuts for the super-rich.

Said Greenspan in his subsequent testimony before the House Committee on the Budget (March 2, 2001):
At zero debt, the continuing unified budget surpluses now projected under current law imply a major accumulation of private assets by the federal government. Such an accumulation would make the federal government a significant factor in our nation's capital markets and would risk significant distortion in the allocation of capital to its most productive uses.
A significant distortion?

The GOP commitment to make a fiscal mess of things is long-standing, notes Joe Conason in Salon today, and "and Republicans who are complaining about Barack Obama's spending are hypocrites," and avoid even addressing the arguments for stimulus spending (see Krugman, Dec. 1, 2008). Writes Conason

In our time, the Republican Party has compiled an impressive history of talking about fiscal responsibility while running up unrivaled deficits and debt. Of the roughly $11 trillion in federal debt accumulated to date, more than 90 percent can be attributed to the tenure of three presidents: Ronald Reagan, who used to complain constantly about runaway spending; George Herbert Walker Bush, reputed to be one of those old-fashioned green-eyeshade Republicans; and his spendthrift son George "Dubya" Bush, whose trillion-dollar war and irresponsible tax cuts accounted for nearly half the entire burden. Only Bill Clinton temporarily reversed the trend with surpluses and started to pay down the debt (by raising rates on the wealthiest taxpayers).
As is clear among honest observers, among the pathological programs pursued by the Bush administration was its enterprise to turn the national debt from prospects that were made in 2001 of the debt being completely paid off in 10 years to upping the debt to $10 trillion when it left office.

The wish list that the rightwingers, like Grover Norquist, desired from the future administrations dealing with the massive debt: Eliminating those awful programs like Social Security and Medicaid and Medicare which they hoped would become unsustainable because of the debt purposefully piled up by Bush and Cheney.

Bush bequeathed more than that: Millions of jobs shipped overseas, $trillions of unregulated financial products that may yet cost the dollar its role as reserve currency, states' deficits like Wisconsin's and on and on.

Obama has been scrupulously careful not to put the blame on the GOP; it's the wrong message for the guy sent in to clean up the mess. But Conason, Krugman and others should continue to further an understanding of the political-economic commitments of the GOP.

- See also Krugman: Large fiscal expansion needed (Dec. 1, 2008)

Nov 12, 2008

Newest Fool on Voter Suppression Case: Wigderson

What happened to all the voter fraud nonsense from which our intrepid Attorney General was going to protect us?

With the great number of people casting votes that saw Wisconsin at number two in voter turnout in the nation, the GAB reports that the elections were "virtually problem-free."

Now, another rightwinger, Wigderson from Waukesha, plays the fool on the Wisconsin Government Accountability Board's (GAB) maintenance of its statewide registered voter list (SVRS) and the Van Hollen v. Government Accountability Board case.

The GAB, as it said it would, will ask for checks of SVRS against other existing databases, and it is now doing so, per its authority and responsibility and discretion.

The rightwing was right all along, say the know nothings.

Is this ignorance deliberate? It must be, no one can be that dumb.

Unless the GAB makes the database match (between the statewide voter registration list (SVRS) and the DOT, DOR and Social Security databases) a precondition to voting, it is in compliance with Wisconsin’s constitutionally protected right to establish its voter eligibility standards in accordance with existing law, as the text of Judge Sumi's decision to dismiss reads.

The text in HAVA mandates that Wisconsin takes due care to see that eligible voters are not thrown off the voter rolls. The GAB has been and is exercising that care. If it does not exercise that care, we should seek administrative and judicial remedies

For example, the GAB refused to mandate the checks on election day and force widespread provisional voting.

The GOP wanted the GAB to work on the GOP's timeframe, and to see that the checks became determinative to voting, stopping the dreaded "voter fraud." Voter fraud, that's what experts call: Bullshit.

So Attorney General Van Hollen's staff met with GOP politicos and confirmed that it would file the lawsuit.

Though Van Hollen said that the Wisconsin Attorney General was the ultimate decider on administering Wisconsin elections in this case as he sought his writ of mandamus to stop voter fraud and preserve the integrity of the election, his and the GOP's view was panned and the case was tossed.

The problem was that forcing re-registrations on Election Day would have created very long lines, confusion, generally suppressing votes. That's what Van Hollen and the GOP wanted and that's what they did not get.

So again, what happened to all the voter fraud nonsense from which our intrepid Attorney General was going to protect us? Where did voter fraud occur when the GAB was acting outside the law, as Van Hollen said it was?

Nov 6, 2008

Wisconsin Leads Way for Obama

Since the Feb. 17 primary that catapulted Obama as the frontrunner in the Democratic Primary with solid appeal to the white working class, Wisconsin has reclaimed its maverick status demonstrating a propensity to support political progressives.

As Paul Maslin writes in Salon today, "In my home state of Wisconsin, Obama's margin mushroomed to an extraordinary 13 points. Just look at any of the electoral maps of the Badger State and realize that all that blue was produced by nearly all-white rural counties and small towns that many thought would never support an African-American candidate."

Nov 4, 2008

Dane County Black Man: "I will be voting today."

Working at Fire Station #2, 5415 King James Way (Fitchburg, WI), the words of a black man in his 20s this morning stand out as poll workers worked with his voting identity and residence.

"I will be voting today," he said calmly but with determination.

Black folks who were newly registering at the polls had a determined look in their eyes; I mean it. And there was a steady stream of black families coming from the newly-registered room.

I lived in the ward for some eight years and I know the high and low-turnout areas. Many voting today were from low turn-out areas.

Inspiring. These are just the people that J.B. Van Hollen and the Republicans want to disenfranchise. And they would not be stopped today.
- via mal contends

Aug 15, 2008

Jailed Wisconsin Vet's VA Hearing Set

Vietnam-era Navy veteran Keith Roberts (1968-71), jailed because he could not substantiate the circumstances causing his diagnosed Post Traumatic Stress Disorder as he was "tenaciously pursuing a claim for VA benefits," has been informed his hearing for oral arguments of his VA claim before the Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC) is scheduled for October 23, 2008.

In a unanimous opinion (07-1546) issued in July a three-member panel for the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit affirmed the controversial conviction on fraud of Roberts.

"The record might also have supported a jury determination that Mr. Roberts sincerely believed that his statements were true and that he had no intention to defraud the Government," reads the opinion by Justice Kenneth Ripple. But Ripple notes of the guilty verdict, that, "It is beyond our authority to disturb such a finding on appeal."

Jul 16, 2008

Exclusive: Alleged Gruesome Kidnapper Described as “Outgoing and Friendly” by Former Coworker


© 2008 Michael Leon
A man charged with 12 felonies for "allegedly kidnapping ... two men, stripping them, chaining them up in his home, beating them and sexually assaulting them several times" (Wisconsin State Journal, July 15) outside Wisconsin Rapids is described by a former coworker interviewed by mal contends as "friendly, with a good sense of humor."

Edward Lanphear is also being investigated for possible links to the murder of UW-Madison student, Brittany Zimmermann, the Wisconsin State Journal reports, though police say at this time that there is no direct connection other than the facts that Lanphear and Zimmermann are both from Wood County, and that Lanphear had a newspaper article about the Zimmermann case at his residence.

In this exclusive interview conducted by phone, the former coworker, who worked with Lanphear for some eight years in the 1980s and 1990s at the then Consolidated Papers Inc., a paper company based in Wisconsin Rapids, now known as NewPage Corporation, said of Lanphear, "He never, ever gave you the impression of being violent, or even being capable of things like that."

The coworker, who asked to remain anonymous because of the sensitivity of the topic in the small town of Saratoga where the coworker lives, said, upon reading of the story in the Wisconsin Rapids Tribune online, "I was dumbfounded. I mean this is completely out of character of the guy I remembered. ... He was outgoing and a big hunter. ... He invited me to go hunting with him once at the Arctic Circle."