Trump's Racist Shithole Comment Defines Modern Republicans

From Patrice Piard and a Hatian shithole comes art

A shithole is the home of the Republican Party

Madison, Wisconsin—In American politics, President* Trump's descent into racist vulgarity is as Republican as stopping women from deciding if they wish to bear children, a deliberation Republicans believe belongs to the state.

A deep pit of psychopathology is where modern Republican politics reside in the grand tradition of American white supremacy. Trump is simply less subtle and openly proud of the gutters in which he takes residence.

Variants of nigger jokes and rhetoric among self-loathing whites have always played well in Wisconsin for example, and without the specific support of the white supremacist vote, we would not have this lunatic in office today.

In 2018 Scott Walker seeks reelection.

Following the example of Gov. Tommy Thompson, (1987-2001), Walker may think himself a political savant in appealing to racist sentiment to get elected, but sounding racist dog whistles takes no more acuity than telling racist jokes and loudly musing those blacks should get a job and feed their own kids.

Shitholes?

A shithole is the home of the Republican Party.

The slow-motion pogrom led by Trump, Ryan and assorted
billionaires. Victims are black and brown and white.
Image: George Grosz, God of War, 1940

Wisconsin Is about Race

An IWW anti-Klan poster from the 1920s.
(Ruff, Facebook)

Madison, Wisconsin — In 2011, the eyes of the nation looked askance at Wisconsin as a racist Evangelical from Iowa bragged to a man believed to be David Koch that one Scott Walker would not back down on his secret designs to depress wages for working families.

Walker has not backed down.

And Walker has proven adept using the Republican Party playbook inflicting race and myriad others as the political tool for inflicting the Republican anti-democratic legislative project in Wisconsin, including ongoing programs against voting, and gerrymandering.

White supremacy and social dominance and terror are defining features of America.

In Wisconsin where progressives still have a powerful presence, it is instructive to consider the magnitude of labor and progressives' fight against white supremacy and white terror.

One problem facing forces fighting racists today is the German ancestors of the 21rst and 20th century have rejected the socialist and anarchist roots of the 19th century, substituting a racist and anti-Semitic ethos where in this writer's lifetime 'nigger' and 'Jew' jokes were told in public settings in east-central Wisconsin with the assurance the humor met an appreciative audience.

This horror of Wisconsin is the margin of Donald Trump's victory, and Scott Walker's gubernatorial runs.

How effectively the opposition performs against Walker and contemporary racists remains to be seen but the heart and soul of Wisconsin's work for equality resides in the cities and universities, which remain targets of fascists. 

America’s Long History of Racial Fear

By Stephen Kantrowitz

Calling [the June 17] shootings in Charleston a "tragedy" makes this explosion of murderous violence seem like an accident. It isn’t an accident. It is the legacy of an excruciating history that began with racial slavery and continued through the post-Civil War campaign to maintain white supremacy – a campaign that has persisted to the present day and which shapes how many white Americans think about and respond to black Americans.

At the heart of [the Charleston] violence is America’s history of chattel slavery, a labor system built on violence, in which all whites were effectively authorized to do violence to African Americans in order to keep them at work and prevent them from challenging their enslavement. But this brutal system also produced rebellions. Whites – even those who never owned a slave – lived with the fear that that racial order might be turned upside down, destroying everything that they held dear. In other words, whites attributed to blacks the same desire for domination that they themselves were exercising. It is no accident that the alleged shooter is reported to have said: “You rape our women and you’re taking over our country.”

The history of chattel slavery, upended in the Civil War, was followed by the history of Reconstruction, a moment during which America’s racial hierarchy was unsettled, and black people were able to claim a measure of political and civil equality. But the moment was a brief one. White conservatives all over the South, abetted by many white northerners, denounced the new interracial Southern governments as exactly the “world turned upside down” that they had feared during slavery. They overthrew those governments by force and fraud and set about reconstructing white supremacy as best they could without the law of slavery as a foundation.

The Reconstruction years thus gave way to another history: the continuing struggle by white supremacist activists to create and enforce Jim Crow’s exclusion, segregation, and lynching. This struggle took a lot of work, and it required that whites remain intensely fearful of blacks. One of the greatest victories of white supremacy in this era was to persuade whites that they confronted an epidemic of black men raping white women. Despite overwhelming evidence that this claim was unfounded (especially as revealed by Ida B. Wells-Barnett), the fantasy that predatory black men routinely victimized white women became the justification for lynching. Those fears may have run deepest in the South, where the great majority of the black population resided well into the twentieth century, but they found a home in the North and West as well.

As Jim Crow began to crack beneath the blows of the post-WWII black freedom movement, politicians drew on that history to sustain white racial domination. Scare campaigns against the Civil Rights Movement promised that civil and political equality would unleash black men’s alleged sexual ambitions and, once again, overturn a well-established racial hierarchy. The power and persuasiveness of those arguments helped explain the residential segregation and redlining across the North that lies at the heart of so many of today’s inequities. It lay behind the differential sentencing laws for powder and crack cocaine and undergirded the fearful discussion of “super-predators” in the 1980s and 1990s. It is still used to justify the overwhelmingly disproportionate police scrutiny, arrest, and conviction and incarceration of African Americans.

America’s long racial history of imagining blacks as fearsome, criminal, and bent on political and sexual domination has never gone away. This is not because the fantasy is real, but because it has played such a powerful role for hundreds of years. No wonder that it is so readily wielded as a weapon, whether through cynicism, ignorance, or ruthlessness. No wonder that its murderous version of history was so easy for Dylann Roof to find and embrace.

Dylan Roof’s murderous night is not simply a South Carolina tragedy. It is an expression and a consequence of American history – a history that the nation has hardly reckoned with, much less overcome.

--Stephen Kantrowitz is Vilas Distinguished Achievement Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the author of several books, including Ben Tillman and the Reconstruction of White Supremacy. (Chapter One, New York Times) (Book Review; Dew, New York Times)

[- Used with permission from author; from We're History -]