Showing posts with label Political Prosecution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Political Prosecution. Show all posts

Sep 26, 2025

Trump's Retribution Against Democrats' Political Prosecutions Is Self Defense

"When the wolves of hate are loosed on one people, then no one is safe."
Ralph McGill, referencing Shakespeare   

Commentary

Update: "James Comey Was Sure He Was Above The Law. Supporters Hope He's Right"

As James Comey is arraigned, new documents show the FBI under his watch criminally investigated first, and looked for reasons later. Democrats have rediscovered why political prosecutions are the enemy of Americans in the wake of the federal indictment of former FBI Director James Comey, (U.S. DoJ)," reports Matt Taibbi in Racket News.
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Liberals, in response, are telling us why this Comey political indictment is a betrayal.

They are not wrong, but libs are leaving out a lot.

Honestly, did folks really think Democrats and the liberal establishment regard voters as competent to make the correct decision in the 2024 elections and reelect Joe Biden?

Afterall, democracy was at stake last year, and the hated Trump needed to be indicted by Democrats, lest that pesky American electorate elects Donald Trump again in November, after clear instruction not to vote the wrong way.

It was clear that Democrats in New York, D.C. and Fulton County, [what the hell is wrong with those people?], conducted partisan witch hunts to 'get Trump,' and make him a defendant in four criminal proceedings to preclude the possibility of voting for Trump.

How many times did Democrats exclaim, 'Trump is a convicted felon' during the subsequent 2024 general elections campaign? 

Everything went like clockwork for the liberal establishment right up to Election Day, so liberals believed.

Then, the American people disregarded liberal instruction and voted Trump in again as president. 

Trump has likely ended for a generation tit-for-tat prosecutions of major presidential candidates and party figures.

With out-of-control Democrats, who have even less understanding of classical liberal democracy than Trump, we can be reasonably sure Democrats are not so stupid as to launch a new round of political prosecutions, if they win 2028.

I don't believe Trump is thinking peace and civil liberties today, or even mutual assured destruction, but I guess this is what passes for victory when the major political parties are so steeped in hate and corruption. 

Jan 11, 2021

U.S. DoJ Is Not the Way

Following the deplorable Jan 6 events at the Capitol, calls of sedition, coup, incitement and insurrection rang out with vigor not seen since the U.S. government prosecuted the J20 protesters and journalists during the 2017 Trump Inauguration, (Collective Liability, The Intercept; Lennard, The Intercept; Reilly and Mathias, Huffington Post).

Today, the political condemnations of the lunatic in the White House are spot-on. But the condemnation comes with demands for criminal prosecutions.

I'm skeptical and suspicious.

The lust to use the United State Dept of Justice as a weapon against U.S. capitol ralliers is wrong-headed and demonstrates the slanderous determination that police violence is the only way to contend with Trumpists and aggrieved white people in our country.

Ben Manski, a leftist human rights worker in California, is typical in his demand that the U.S. government "stamp out right wing terror." 

Stamp out sounds a lot like "disrupt" and "neutralize."

Surely, some of the Trumpists deserve a federal indictment, likely not hundreds. 

But demands for justice amid cries of sedition and anarchism should make us wary as when such white-hot talk was used to justify the Palmer Raids, CONINTELPRO and Robert Jackson's infamous betrayal of the First Amendment in his dissent in Terminiello v City of Chicago (1949).

I don't want the leading lunatic banished from public life, and not because this would be devastating for the Republican Party. 

Rather, because I believe in liberties for those with whom I most fervently disagree — it's a classical liberal thing, and government stamping out underground or unorthodox movements is to be avoided, and First Amendment rights should be regarded as preeminent.

Dec 22, 2017

Win for First Amendment as a Fearful U.S. Slouches into 2018

Vicious police and malicious prosecutors target Americans
at Inauguration Day protests on Jan 20, 2017.

J20 Resistance, Jennifer Armento, Oliver Harris, Brittne Lawson, Michelle Macchio, Christina Simmons and Alexei Wood Win Victory Against Repressive U.S. Government


News from D.C. this week reports the acquittal of six young Americans protesting fascism and state capitalism, two defining features of our country, (The Intercept, In These Times, Washington Post, Huffington Post).

The six Americans in federal court were charged with multiple felonies and faced decades in prison not for any acts they allegedly committed. Rather, federal indictments and government-advanced trial arguments assert mere attendance at, and proximity to an Inauguration Day demonstration perforce makes the defendants responsible for all the acts of all other attendees.

Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel? This is America.

In defiance of reason, at trial, asst U.S. Attorney Jennifer Kerkhof advanced the novel legal theory that any American attending a demonstration is criminally responsible for the actions, such as criminal vandalism by others, of all other attendees. Not only logically absurd—see the fallacy of the undistributed middle—Kerkhof's group liability-conspiracy argument is intended to chill future protests against President* Trump and others occupying public office in D.C.

Any criminal convictions would likely be overturned in federal appellate court but nevertheless the enormous costs incurred to resist a federal prosecution make this act of malice a stunning miscarriage of justice, no matter the innocent verdicts.

Nearly 200 more Americans still face trial in the courtroom of the Constitutionally odious and contemptible Judge Lynn Leibovitz, the presiding judge who let this J-20 trial proceed.

One trial juror has spoken publicly.

The juror who gave his first name of Steve said of the non-guilty verdict, (reported in the media collective Unicorn Riot):


It was not a close call. The prosecution admitted the morning of day one that they would present no evidence that any of the defendants committed any acts of violence or any vandalism.

From that point, before the defense ever uttered a sound, it was clear to me that ultimately we would find everyone not guilty. And while there was a great deal of careful discussion among the jurors, it ultimately at no point was … did it seem even possible that a guilty verdict would come down.

This was not close.

This is a malicious prosecution, but at this moment malicious prosecutions are standard operating procedure in the United States.

Be concerned.

Dec 21, 2017

First Amendment Win Against United States

Six J20 protesters win First Amendment case in D.C

Congrats and thank you to defendants Jennifer Armento, Oliver Harris, Brittne Lawson, Michelle Macchio, Christina Simmons and Alexei Wood 


The First Amendment won today in Washington D.C., (Washington Post, Huffington Post).

But this is a war that should not have been waged by a tyrannical United States Attorney's Office and unthinking police against Americans protesting and chronicling a demonstration on Jan 20, 2017.

This is a trial that the cowardly Judge Lynn Leibovitz, the presiding judge, should not have allowed to proceed.

From the Independent:

Six defendants facing decades in prison for protesting Donald Trump’s inauguration have been found not guilty, in a trial that raised serious questions about First Amendment rights in the age of Trump.

A jury in Washington, DC, cleared the defendants of all seven charges against them, which included rioting and multiple counts of property destruction. The defendants were the first of nearly 200 people due to stand trial for their involvement in the 20 January protests.

Jude Ortiz, a member of the Defend J20 team that mobilised to support the defendants, called the decision “a victory for political organising”.

"The prosecutor was trying to claim political organising was conspiracy,” Mr Oritz told The Independent. "And these acquittals show that that logic is not being bought."
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Criminalizing free speech is actually not the American way.

Meanwhile, the U.S. Attorney's office vows to proceed with nearly 200 more prosecutions against other protesters.

You see why people demonstrate for freedom?

Dec 19, 2017

Inauguration Day Protests Case Is Injury to First Amendment Speech, Free Press and Assembly Rights

Alexei Wood stands outside the D.C. Court of Appeals
on Nov. 14, 2017, across from the D.C. Superior Court
where his case is being heard in Washington on Nov. 14,
2017. Wood was arrested while covering the DisruptJ20
protest on Inauguration Day. Copy and image are from
The Intercept.
First Amendment freedoms at trial in D.C. courtroom as journalists and protesters, whom President* Trump regards as enemies, face years in prison for lawful and long-protected activity in J20-DisruptJ20 demonstrations held on Inauguration Day

Day two of jury deliberations today


No, America is not the land of the free and home of the brave.

Certainly not in the courtroom of Judge Lynn Leibovitz, a typically cowardly and less-than-learned jurist gaping in the judicial bureaucracy of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia. Leibovitz' presiding over this case is a continuing disgrace to American jurisprudence, as this judge has not to this point dismissed this political prosecution against Americans protesting the inauguration of the openly fascist president, Donald Trump.

Report Ryan J. Reilly and Christopher Mathias in an overview of the case in the Huffington Post:

An American photojournalist swept up in a mass arrest of hundreds of demonstrators conducted by security forces in the nation’s capital earlier this year during a protest of a regime change ceremony will face a criminal trial here, (in D.C.), Monday.

Alexei Wood, a 37-year-old freelance photojournalist based in the American southwest, has been charged with multiple felonies. If found guilty, he could face decades inside a mammoth prison system in the world’s most incarcerated nation.

Wood was one of more than 200 citizens captured en masse by police forces quelling demonstrations held at the same time as President Donald Trump’s inauguration. Just weeks before, the tough-talking real estate magnate and reality television star shocked the nation’s political class when his rightward, populist campaign beat out that of a candidate from America’s predominant center-left political dynasty.

The continued prosecution of Wood and nearly 200 protesters has raised alarm among many who worry it will have a chilling effect on dissent in America, a country that holds itself up as a beacon of free speech and political expression.

As police and state disruption of citizens exercising free speech rights has become normalized, the J20 case would in a country dedicated to liberties of its citizens become the focus of saturation media  coverage.

Not so today as First Amendment liberties remain unpopular in the political culture and broadly speaking among those serving in government.

Notes Eoin Higgins in The Intercept:

[The prosecution of Wood and other defendants] is alarming as a reflection of the government’s attempt to define — and criminalize — journalism, but the case as a whole also speaks to the government’s attempt to undermine the First Amendment right to political speech. 'The government is prosecuting this case as though DisruptJ20' — the name given to the protest — 'were a run-of-the-mill criminal conspiracy, where the only objective is criminal in nature, rather than a political demonstration designed to make a statement about the current administration,' Shana Knizhnik, an attorney with the ACLU-DC, told The Intercept in an email. 'This framing undermines the fundamental principles of the First Amendment.'

Stay informed on developments in the Alexei Wood, J20, Inauguration Day First Amendment case.

From the New York Times:

During the protests, the Washington Metropolitan Police seemingly ignored journalists who presented their credentials, including Mr. Wood, who is seen flashing a press badge in the video.

'The police used the actions of a few window breakers as an excuse of a mass roundup,' said Scott Michelman, a senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union in Washington.

The other journalists arrested at K and 12th Streets on Jan. 20 were Evan Engel, a senior producer at Vocativ; Jack Keller, a producer of the web documentary series 'Story of America'; Matthew Hopard, a freelance photojournalist whose work has been published by The New York Times and Fox News; Alexander Stokes, an independent journalist who has a show on a public access news channel in Albany; Cheney Orr, a freelance photographer; Alexander Rubinstein, a reporter with RT America; and Shay Horse, a freelance photojournalist whose work has been published by Rolling Stone, Al Jazeera America and other outlets. 

Land of the free.

Nov 24, 2016

Leonard Peltier: Water Is Life

Leonard Peltier - Image by Gary Stevens
Creative Commons 2.0
Leonard Peltier in CounterPunch

... I watch the events at Standing Rock with both pride and sorrow. Pride that our people and their allies are standing up and putting their lives on the line for the coming generations, not because they want to but because they have to. They are right to stand up in a peaceful way. It is the greatest gathering of our people in history and has made us more connected than ever before. We need to support each other as we make our way in these times.

Water IS life and we cannot leave this issue for our children and grandchildren to deal with when things are far worse for the natural world then they are now. ...

Apr 25, 2015

Detecting Wrongful Prosecutions

During the Bush-Cheney years Karl Rove turned the DoJ's US attorneys into a political hit squad, and human rights attorney Scott Horton and others at Harper's chronicled some of the worst instances of wrongful prosecutions amid the purging of US attorneys refusing to go along. (Taylor, McClathchy Newspapers; Horton, Harper's Magazine)

Horton used to conduct an annual seminar (after the break-up of the Soviet Union) for the State Department entitled "How to Spot a Political Prosecution" in a foreign land (Horton, Harper's Magazine).

Political prosecutions in former totalitarian societies of the USSR bear resemblances to malicious and wrongful prosecutions domestically, and as Horton noted elsewhere, prosecutions by Rove and US attorneys whose victims include Don Siegelman, Keith Roberts, and Georgia Thompson lack any semblance of public integrity and the rule of law.

Horton points out some of the elements that should be examined to determine if a political prosecution has been inflicted:
  • Nature of the Charges
  • Timing and Circumstances of Criminal Investigations and Charges
  • Circumstances of Investigation; Arrest and Detention; Media Dealings
  • Conduct of the Preliminary Investigation
  • Conduct of Trial
  • Interview of Prosecutors and Defense Counsel
  • State Secrecy
  • Parallel Public Campaigns
  • Media Coverage

Writes Horton, "... you should be prepared to question the motives and conduct of the prosecutor. Is the prosecutor investigating and acting on a crime, or is the prosecutor 'out to get' an individual? The latter case is per se abusive. When the prosecutor is 'out to get' an individual as part of a political agenda, the act of prosecution is an assault on democratic institutions."

Horton cites Robert Jackson—whose wisdom and humanity informs jurisprudence today—but not in Iron County Wisconsin.

An interview with Iron County District Attorney Martin Lipske would rightfully ask Lipske to explain the volatile, arbitrary and disparate sentences Lipske sought for similar (and highly dubious) convictions because Lipske's conduct would not withstand Constitutional scrutiny or an objective and thorough ethics investigation.

Moreover, many of Lipske's prosecutions bear the hallmarks of wrongful/political prosecutions that one might expect of former totalitarian countries with no tradition of Constitutional safeguards against the state.

But this is Iron County, so I guess anything goes.

Maybe. Watch this space.

Jan 27, 2015

Wisconsin Mining Protester Releases Statement

Katie Krow Kloth targeted by Mining
Co. and Corrupt Wisconsin DA
By Katie Krow Kloth of Citizens Concerned about the Proposed Penokee Mine

My sentence to nine months in jail in conjunction with a withheld felony sentence equating to 15 years in prison if I “step out of line” in the eyes of the “state”, was harsh and a classist attack on my beliefs and lifestyle. Judge Fox strives to kill my spirit by burying me in a dying urban hole and desires that I refrain from involvement in the anti-resource extraction struggle; I refuse to be “killed,” and I refuse the idea of coerced complacency.

The “lifestyle enforcement” aspect of my five year probation mandate (post-jail time) with full-time employment stipulation, is culturist, and out-of-touch with today’s employment landscape. Innumerable individuals work seasonal jobs for life in a responsible manner, thus Judge Fox’s ruling is based on the disappearing myth of the white American Dream that supports and enforces a destructive capitalist regime. In conjunction, Judge Fox exploited my sentencing hearing to serve as a symbolic trial for my identity as an anarchist, my appearance, and my ongoing affiliation with indigenous communities, extending to my adamant stance against industrial resource extraction- this is unacceptable, yet predictable. The judge seemingly desires to stifle dissent from all things wild and free, and may as well have based his sentence off a hypothetical book in progress entitled, “White Pride and Prejudice,” as the words fell from his mouth in a narrow, out-dated, and white-male privileged world perspective, and does not support or embrace hunting, fishing, or gathering.

Though I am not indigenous and have never claimed to be, I am grateful and touched to have been welcomed into some of those communities, and maintain that G-TAC and their pro-mine affiliates are waging extreme racist resource colonialism on the land and connected peoples and creatures with the proposed Penokee Mine, potentially the largest iron-mine world-wide, as it would negatively affect front-line indigenous communities of the northwoods bioregion, in conjunction with their traditional ways.

Though I wish no harm on Stacey Saari, a geologist hired on G-TAC’s dollar, it saddens me that she continues to despise the fiber of my being, and continues to support industrial resource extraction that in turn supports death to the poorest of peoples in rural/wilderness landscapes. The cliché’ of “just doing your job” is no excuse to participate in colonial violence via corporate resource extraction.

Exploitation of the land by rich corporate entities continues to persist whilst perpetuating persecution of dissent to such negative acts across the globe, so resistance to these destructive activities must continue to proliferate world-wide. Various incarnations of creative resistance must be embraced to succeed in the struggle against the ongoing violence against our only home, Earth.

Consequently, colonization is everywhere, so decolonization must happen everywhere.

We must “know our rights,” and practice good security culture if we are to support our comrades, and succeed in struggle.

It will do us all good to prioritize organizing as communities and individuals that value consensus and the destruction of exclusionary hierarchies, holding ourselves accountable to our own standards.

It is also important to remember who are allies are, as well as who the real enemies are… a Supreme Court recently ruled that it is NOT a police officer’s job to “protect and serve,” only to uphold the law… the law is written by the predominantly white, colonized, elite 1% ruling class, and that is who the “law” protects- not you, not the land, not people of the LGBTQ community, female-bodied folks, or minorities of any kind. Thus, the law protects G-TAC and their affiliates, and police remain the first line of enforcement against community resistance.

We must negate state repression by protecting ourselves and land-bases therein; we must not give our people up, and recognize that to be in solidarity with one another is more akin to the idea of “harmony” than “unity”. Harmony implies that we can all do different things within the same song, and still find conclusion together.

We must let go of the liberal idea and notion of “hope”; hope is a passive wish; I would rather assert myself and strive toward self determination, leaving fascist hands and ideals behind.

The message must be sent that public dissent will NOT be stifled, as we are living in the 11th hour, the seventh fire, the last grab for fossil-fuel resources… We will not live in the wake of corporate destruction and greed… the anti-police brutality struggles that originated in Ferguson demonstrate inspiring community organizing and resistance we can all learn from, in conjunction with the indigenous people’s struggles at the Unis’tot’en Camp 1,000 kilometers north of modern day “British Columbia”- they never ceded their lands to the Canadian government and kicked out large-scale resource extractors by building a traditional village in the way of a pipeline… five years strong and steady.

In closing, direct action is important, and we must all continue to organize creatively; stay aware of the harms and dangers that surveillance and social media can bring. The internet is both a blessing and a curse; spend less time obsessing over government conspiracies, be safe, and organize around tangible issues that are pertinent to your communities.

In addition, for those who are interested in following the law to the tee until they die, you are a hypocrite, and you are not free; slavery was once legal, electro-shock therapy was once legal, and the nature of the proposed Penokee Mine was once illegal… be on the side of loving common-sense, as tough love takes many forms, not the side of money and fascism.

Ultimately, the Penokee Mine will never be built as it is genocide upon stolen Ojibwe land, its’ indigenous peoples and creatures, and their traditional ways. We should continue to use the land as if it does not belong to RGGS [RGGS Land and Minerals Ltd. of Houston], leased to G-TAC, as it does not belong to them. Treaties aside, if we kill the land, we kill ourselves.

Jan 23, 2015

Wisconsin Is Passive as Out-of-Control District Attorney Runs Wild

"The right to do what the law does not prohibit, without fear of harassment or punishment, is one of the hallmarks of a free society."—Judge Alex Kozinski, Chief Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit [foreword to Licensed to Lie: Exposing Corruption in the Department of Justice (Sidney Powell, Brown Books Publishing Group, 2014)]
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Updated - A January 18 snow trek through the snow-covered forest in a northern Wisconsin county is felony bailjumping (Wisconsin Statute 946.49), according to Iron County (Wisconsin) District Attorney Martin Lipske, the precise sort of prosecutor with a history of misconduct Judge Richard Posner—judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit—had in mind when Posner wrote his crucial opinion hitting absolute immunity for prosecutors in Fields v. Wharrie and Kelley, (2014 U.S. App. LEXIS 133) (No. 13-1195).

District Attorney Lipske routinely files felony bailjumping (and other ludicrous) criminal charges, and these charges are not the result of meticulous investigations and objective gathering of facts and evidence by law enforcement.

Two days after January 18, District Attorney Lipske decided, without an investigation, that he had no choice but to file a felony bailjumping charge the day before an environmental protester was to be sentenced for Lipske's latest abuse of process, one could even say a malicious prosecution.

Lipske just wanted more control over the life of the anti-mining activist, Katie Krow Kloth, and this despicable model of a jurist had no compunction that the actions of his office inflicted pain on the 27-year-old Ms. Kloth, and on her family and friends, hence this site's recent characterization of Lipske as a psychopath.

The District Attorney's office of Iron County in Hurley is run by a little man, Martin Lipske, animated by spite, vindictiveness, and caprice, and whose criminal charges typically are not proceeded by investigations of any kind, just a vague contemplation of how Lipske can use contrived charges to achieve his ends as he revels in his world of Iron County.

The gravity of this situation is easily overlooked by Wisconsin media as Iron County is an isolated and sparsely populated county in far-northern Wisconsin, and Wisconsin has myriad issues of the moment demanding attention of the media, the political system and the citizenry.

Martin Lipske is part of the problem.

Martin Lipske's prosecutions slip through the cracks, giving Lipske carte blanche to run his office on personal whims with appalling results, and the regulatory Wisconsin Office of Lawyer Investigation is a case study in administrative law "capture theory," a state of affairs more insidious when the purpose of regulation and the rule of law is the Sovereign embodied by the District Attorney—"the power and might of the government," as noted by an out-of-state jurist.

I have spoken with victims of Lipske's over the last several years, and the shattering trauma of these victims is common in Iron County for both the legally exonerated and the morally exonerated.

DA Martin Lipske Fronting for the Proposed Gogebic Taconite (GTAC) Mine

District Attorney Martin Lipske threw the book at GTAC mining protester, Katie Krow Kloth, for actions at a June 2013 mining protest that would have brought a civil citation of disorderly conduct in most any other Wisconsin county.

But not Lipske.

Kloth was recently sentenced to serve nine months in the Iron County jail, after being charged with four criminal offenses for these actions at a rally against the proposed mine.

Advocating for GTAC and subsequently for the criminally operating Bulletproof Securities, Inc, (Marley, Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel) Lipske defended Bulletproof at a 2013 hearing of Kloth's, a window into Lipske's mindset and corruption of the judicial process for the benefit of GTAC.

Subsequently, Lipske violated a Wisconsin Supreme Court Rule [SCR 20:3.6  Trial publicity] in his pursuit of Kloth, (Mal Contends); vis:

Wisconsin Supreme Court Rule [SCR 20:3.6  Trial publicity]: "(a) A lawyer who is participating or has participated in the investigation or litigation of a matter shall not make an extrajudicial statement that the lawyer knows or reasonably should know will be disseminated by means of public communication and will have a substantial likelihood of materially prejudicing an adjudicative proceeding in the matter."

Bailjumping Charge

"Acting Judge Sam Filippo set [a $5,000 signature] bond recommended by Lipske under conditions that Kloth have no contact with the [alledged] victim, nor threatening behavior to GTAC or Idea Drilling employees," notes Ralph Ansami (Lakeland Times).

Now, Lipske on top of the four criminal charges, claims that Ms. Kloth allegedly entering the forbidden zone in the public managed forest land in the Penokee Hills last Sunday constitutes "bailjumping."

The "forbidden zone" reference is to the Republican-passed law, 2013 Wisconsin Act 81, effective January 2014 that the GOP designed for GTAC to test-drill and load and transport bulk samples (Wisconsin Public Radio). [Here is the link to Act 81's legislative history and record of committee proceedings.]

This is a not a criminal statute.

"All the right-winger media was abuzz about supposed so-called 'No Go Zones' that Muslim people have set up in cities in Europe where non-Muslims aren't allowed to go. Turns out, the real No-Go Zones are set up by the Corporate Persons in America where non-Corporates aren't allowed to go," noted Bobby L. Clark, a Wisconsin citizen in Iron County and member of the group, Citizens Concerned about the Proposed Penokee Mine.

The proposed mining zone language is basically a trespassing statute that outlines what constitutes a trespass for "Proposed Ferrous Mining Sites, (2m)," as has been widely noted by clean water advocates.

GTAC gets a 600-foot buffer in which to test-drill and transport bulk samples from its proposed iron ore mine.

Wisconsin "Trespass to law" is still the law used to enforce any alleged trespassing.

Trespassing is a civil infraction—and it is quite a stretch for Lipske to call a civil infraction, bailjumping.

No investigation

It would be silly to contend that Lipske conducted an investigation just after the hours of the alleged infraction and found that Ms. Kloth trespassed, and then conclude a felony bailjumping charge must be leveled.

Wisconsin's trespassing law requires some kind of notice. This means if the owner approaches people and says you are trespassing on land and can go no further, you will advance at your own risk.

If you are not actually told this, signage is also required, and the state trespassing law says you need each 40-acre parcel marked, ridiculous for Lipske to mesh these requirements with the "600-foot rule" that the special forbidden zone legislation created, with absolutely no investigation conducted, as Lipske has admitted.

The Trespass to land law reads in part:
(2)(am) A person has received notice from the owner or occupant within the meaning of sub. (1m) (b), (e) or (f) if he or she has been notified personally, either orally or in writing, or if the land is posted. Land is considered to be posted under this paragraph under either of the following procedures:

943.13(2)(am)1. 1. If a sign at least 11 inches square is placed in at least 2 conspicuous places for every 40 acres to be protected. The sign must provide an appropriate notice and the name of the person giving the notice followed by the word "owner" if the person giving the notice is the holder of legal title to the land and by the word "occupant" if the person giving the notice is not the holder of legal title but is a lawful occupant of the land. Proof that appropriate signs as provided in this subdivision were erected or in existence upon the premises to be protected prior to the event complained of shall be prima facie proof that the premises to be protected were posted as provided in this subdivision.

2. If markings at least one foot long, including in a contrasting color the phrase "private land" and the name of the owner, are made in at least 2 conspicuous places for every 40 acres to be protected.

Lipske would have had to investigate and first determine which 40-acre parcel the 600-foot rule affected, ensure that each 40-acre parcel has the required signage, as required by statute, and that Ms. Kloth then intentionally violated the Proposed Ferrous Mining Sites, (2m) and conditions of her bond.

Each 40-feet forbidden zone is not marked, Iron County residents have confirmed.

This Proposed Ferrous Mining Sites law merely creates a right of the owner to close off the land to the public.

Lipske likely will be informed that the state will not be able to sustain a trespass charge against Kloth, meaning there was no violation of her bail conditions in this respect (i.e., no law violated).

As far as the specific conditions of Kloth's bail forbidding her from entering a mining site on GTAC's premises, there is neither a mining site, as defined in state law, nor a premises owned by GTAC that was ventured into by Kloth or anyone else, and moreover no one was encountered Sunday, January 18, as one would expect in the middle of the forest in the middle of January in far-northern Iron County Wisconsin.

That the conditions of Kloth's signature bond were violated is at best silly conjecture accomplished with no investigation, and to file a felony bailjumping charge is an abuse of process intended to cause Kloth harm.

Lipske had operated in this manner for years, thus demanding, at the least, that every case he has prosecuted be examined by an outside agency.

Hyperbole? I wish.

Jun 22, 2011

John Edwards, Justice and the Rule of Lenity

Political Persecution in an electoral swing state? Why no questions?

As we read of the federal prosecution of John Edwards, we ought consider Scott Horton's Primer in Political Prosecutions, mustering some skepticism about the federal government launching such a heavy-handed criminal case.

Bloomberg reports, "John Edwards, the former U.S. presidential candidate accused of accepting illegal campaign contributions to hide an extramarital affair, should face an October criminal trial, a federal prosecutor said."

The criminal case is U.S. v. Edwards, 11-00161, U.S. District Court, Middle District of North Carolina.

The "federal grand jury indicted Edwards this month on charges of accepting illegal campaign funds, conspiracy and making false statements," reports Bloomberg.

On June 10, NBC 17 reported, "The U.S. case against John Edwards includes 300,000 pages of documents ... ."

Guess the defense will have to do some quick Summer reading.

U.S. Attorney George Holding, a George W. Bush appointee, resigned in early June, just after Edwards was indicted.

Holding said not one word about the U.S. Atty scandal, a forgotten memory in American corporate media.

Edwards was indicted on June 3, at which time Edwards blasted the prosecution, reports McClatchy News.

A former chairman of the Federal Elections Commission issued a statement through Edwards’ legal team that called the charges 'misguided' and based on an 'erroneous' reading of the law.

"A criminal prosecution of a candidate on these facts would be outside anything I would expect after decades of experience with the campaign finance laws," said Scott E. Thomas, an FEC commissioner for 20 years.

Edwards' case has the hallmarks of another corrupt Bush-Cheney persecution crafted by a young U.S. Attorney with a political agenda using federal law in a creative, brand-new way to get a political opponent.

Will the new U.S. Atty halt the prosecution? We should be watching and asking questions.

Like Wisconsin's Steven Biskupic's politically motivated prosecution [among many] of Georgia Thompson with the GOP press in tow, the force of the federal government is wielded with very little comment in this most depoliticised of countries.

From the Huffington Post:

Holding is a member of the prominent Smithfield banking family that controls much of First Citizens BancShares Inc., the parent company of First Citizens Bank. Plans of his resignation were first reported by The News and Observer of Raleigh on June 3.
Rule of Lenity

Here's a look back at the persecution of an innocent woman in Wisconsin, Georgia Thompson, and a repeat of the media's disinclination to challenge federal prosecutions.

The opinion [overturning the conviction of an innocent woman persecuted by U.S. Atty Stephen Biskupic] notes that this 'open-ended quality' and '(h)aziness' of the [criminal] statute should never be used by prosecutors to bring creative and novel prosecutions, per the 'Rule of Lenity.'

The Rule of Lenity, as [Chief Judge Frank H.] Easterbrook notes, is the judicial doctrine that 'ambiguity in criminal legislation be read against the prosecutor, lest the judiciary create, in common-law fashion, offenses that have never received legislative approbation … .'

Let’s translate.

Prosecutors should not invent crimes by stretching laws to the breaking point so they can bring prosecutions under our laws that were not made to ban imaginary crimes dreamed up by creative prosecutors—or in Biskupic’s case, a corrupt prosecutor seeking the favor of Karl Rove.

Prosecutorial Discretion

But we do have a check on hazy, open-ended laws, so that prosecutions of innocents never have to reach an appeals court.

It’s called 'prosecutorial discretion,' but it’s in short supply nowadays, and Biskupic is not alone in his refusal to exercise it (liberals especially like to use the prosecutors’ office as vehicles for their political careers, too often excluding prosecutorial discretion in the conduct of their offices).

As discussed in an address, The Federal Prosecutor, by the great jurist Robert H. Jackson (1892-1954), prosecutorial discretion—measured and well-considered decision-making by the prosecutor on whom he or she is going to prosecute—requires that that prosecutors 'select those in which the offense is the most flagrant, the public harm the greatest, and the proof the most certain.'

Jackson notes that a 'sensitiveness to fair play and sportsmanship is perhaps the best protection against the abuse of power, and the citizen’s safety lies in the prosecutor who tempers zeal with human kindness, who seeks truth and not victims ... .'

When Biskupic (still) defends his prosecution against the innocent Thompson by noting he was able to convince a jury and two trial judges of his view of the charges, he misses Jackson’s point that Biskupic should exercise prosecutorial discretion precisely because the prosecutor’s office is immensely powerful and persuasive, and that 'the prosecutor at his best is one of the most beneficent forces in our society, when he acts from malice or other base motives, he is one of the worst.'

Thompson and Biskupic’s current voting-fraud prosecution victims would agree.
Holding was one of the last U.S. attys held over from the Bush-Cheney regime.

Nothing Holding says should be trusted, certainly not his hazy, novel prosecution of a political figure launched on the eve of a presidential election in an important swing state.

Mar 29, 2009

Policing Wisconsin Prosecutors

Dane County District Attorney Brian Blanchard is an accomplished ass.

Wisconsin Attorney General J.B. Van Hollen is in Blanchard's league.

As some point, Dane County residents (and, one hopes, Wisconsin residents) will wake up and begin to pay attention to who is policing the prosecutors: It ought to be we.

This morning's (Sunday) Wisconsin State Journal exclusive by Sandy Cullen and Dean Mosiman that former asst. district attorney and current Madison alderman Mike Verveer's conduct in the District Atty's office is under investigation from the state Department of Justice may ultimately force citizens to consider the question that politicians and lawyers working under the umbrella of the prosecutorial office deserve the closest of scrutiny.

This means Blanchard and Van Hollen, and not Verveer. After eight years of the Bush DOJ, this point ought to be obvious and diligently applied to every level of state power over the individual.

Even the hyper-politicized office of Van Hollen will likely find that—as the State Journal's characterizes the investigation centering on an "assistant district attorney who sometimes blurred the lines between prosecuting defendants and helping them"—this will amount to something far below the level of misconduct.

So, let's again remind ourselves of the words in the late U.S. Attorney General, U.S. Supreme Court Justice and Nuremberg chief prosecutor Robert Jackson's 1941 address to U.S. attorneys, "The Federal Prosecutor" that should be required reading for all U.S. Attys, all prosecutors and specially current Dane County D.A. Brian Blanchard.

Jackson's address concerns judgement instead of zeal and that elusive quality in contemporary criminal justice: Prosecutorial discretion that ought to be reside not just in the decision to prosecute but also in the decision to investigate.

The State Journal quotes Verveer on Blanchard's decision: "This is all horrifically shocking to me." Blanchard and Van Hollen's actions, their distinct lack of discretion in the use of their respective prosecutor's office ought to be horrifically shocking to all of us. [See also Mike Verveer, In Spite of Department Of Justice Investigation, Still One of Madison’s Best.]

By the way, remember Bush's former U.S. Attorney Stephen Biskupic who struck out with his political prosecution and conviction of an innocent Wisconsin woman that was overturned a couple of years back, (See U.S. Attorney Stephen Biskupic struck out (MAL Contends), Stephen Biskupic struck out when his political prosecution (NY Times), Wound and legally hit members of the Democratic Wisconsin Gov. Jim Doyle (Madison Isthmus) among other disgraces. Well, Biskupic landed fine in the private sector for his efforts.

From the Robert H. Jackson Center, a contemporary preface and Jackson's address are presented below:

The Federal Prosecutor

On Monday morning, April 1, 1940, Attorney General Jackson gave the following speech to the United States Attorneys who then were serving in each Federal Judicial District across the country. These prosecutors were assembled in the Great Hall at the United States Department of Justice in Washington, D.C., for the Second Annual Conference of United States Attorneys.

In the speech, Jackson, who had been Attorney General for only three months, offered his views on what constituted proper, ethical conduct by federal prosecutors.

The Federal Prosecutor

By Robert H. Jackson
Attorney General of the United States
April 1, 1940

It would probably be within the range of that exaggeration permitted in Washington to say that assembled in this room is one of the most powerful peace-time forces known to our country. The prosecutor has more control over life, liberty, and reputation than any other person in America. His discretion is tremendous. He can have citizens investigated and, if he is that kind of person, he can have this done to the tune of public statements and veiled or unveiled intimations. Or the prosecutor may choose a more subtle course and simply have a citizen’s friends interviewed. The prosecutor can order arrests, present cases to the grand jury in secret session, and on the basis of his one-sided presentation of the facts, can cause the citizen to be indicted and held for trial. He may dismiss the case before trial, in which case the defense never has a chance to be heard. Or he may go on with a public trial. If he obtains a conviction, the prosecutor can still make recommendations as to sentence, as to whether the prisoner should get probation or a suspended sentence, and after he is put away, as to whether he is a fit subject for parole. While the prosecutor at his best is one of the most beneficent forces in our society, when he acts from malice or other base motives, he is one of the worst.

These powers have been granted to our law-enforcement agencies because it seems necessary that such a power to prosecute be lodged somewhere. This authority has been granted by people who really wanted the right thing done—wanted crime eliminated—but also wanted the best in our American traditions preserved.

Because of this immense power to strike at citizens, not with mere individual strength, but with all the force of government itself, the post of Federal District Attorney from the very beginning has been safeguarded by presidential appointment, requiring confirmation of the Senate of the United States. You are thus required to win an expression of confidence in your character by both the legislative and the executive branches of the government before assuming the responsibilities of a federal prosecutor.

Your responsibility in your several districts for law enforcement and for its methods cannot be wholly surrendered to Washington, and ought not to be assumed by a centralized Department of Justice. It is an unusual and rare instance in which the local District Attorney should be superseded in the handling of litigation, except where he requests help of Washington. It is also clear that with his knowledge of local sentiment and opinion, his contact with and intimate knowledge of the views of the court, and his acquaintance with the feelings of the group from which jurors are drawn, it is an unusual case in which his judgment should be overruled.

Experience, however, has demonstrated that some measure of centralized control is necessary. In the absence of it different district attorneys were striving for different interpretations or applications of an Act, or were pursuing different conceptions of policy. Also, to put it mildly, there were differences in the degree of diligence and zeal in different districts. To promote uniformity of policy and action, to establish some standards of performance, and to make available specialized help, some degree of centralized administration was found necessary.

Our problem, of course, is to balance these opposing considerations. I desire to avoid any lessening of the prestige and influence of the district attorneys in their districts. At the same time we must proceed in all districts with that uniformity of policy which is necessary to the prestige of federal law.

Nothing better can come out of this meeting of law enforcement officers than a rededication to the spirit of fair play and decency that should animate the federal prosecutor. Your positions are of such independence and importance that while you are being diligent, strict, and vigorous in law enforcement you can also afford to be just. Although the government technically loses its case, it has really won if justice has been done. The lawyer in public office is justified in seeking to leave behind him a good record. But he must remember that his most alert and severe, but just, judges will be the members of his own profession, and that lawyers rest their good opinion of each other not merely on results accomplished but on the quality of the performance. Reputation has been called “the shadow cast by one’s daily life.” Any prosecutor who risks his day-to-day professional name for fair dealing to build up statistics of success has a perverted sense of practical values, as well as defects of character. Whether one seeks promotion to a judgeship, as many prosecutors rightly do, or whether he returns to private practice, he can have no better asset than to have his profession recognize that his attitude toward those who feel his power has been dispassionate, reasonable and just.

The federal prosecutor has now been prohibited from engaging in political activities. I am convinced that a good-faith acceptance of the spirit and letter of that doctrine will relieve many district attorneys from the embarrassment of what have heretofore been regarded as legitimate expectations of political service. There can also be no doubt that to be closely identified with the intrigue, the money raising, and the machinery of a particular party or faction may present a prosecuting officer with embarrassing alignments and associations. I think the Hatch Act should be utilized by federal prosecutors as a protection against demands on their time and their prestige to participate in the operation of the machinery of practical politics.

There is a most important reason why the prosecutor should have, as nearly as possible, a detached and impartial view of all groups in his community. Law enforcement is not automatic. It isn’t blind. One of the greatest difficulties of the position of prosecutor is that he must pick his cases, because no prosecutor can even investigate all of the cases in which he receives complaints. If the Department of Justice were to make even a pretense of reaching every probable violation of federal law, ten times its present staff would be inadequate. We know that no local police force can strictly enforce the traffic laws, or it would arrest half the driving population on any given morning. What every prosecutor is practically required to do is to select the cases for prosecution and to select those in which the offense is the most flagrant, the public harm the greatest, and the proof the most certain.

If the prosecutor is obliged to choose his cases, it follows that he can choose his defendants. Therein is the most dangerous power of the prosecutor: that he will pick people that he thinks he should get, rather than pick cases that need to be prosecuted. With the law books filled with a great assortment of crimes, a prosecutor stands a fair chance of finding at least a technical violation of some act on the part of almost anyone. In such a case, it is not a question of discovering the commission of a crime and then looking for the man who has committed it, it is a question of picking the man and then searching the law books, or putting investigators to work, to pin some offense on him. It is in this realm—in which the prosecutor picks some person whom he dislikes or desires to embarrass, or selects some group of unpopular persons and then looks for an offense, that the greatest danger of abuse of prosecuting power lies. It is here that law enforcement becomes personal, and the real crime becomes that of being unpopular with the predominant or governing group, being attached to the wrong political views, or being personally obnoxious to or in the way of the prosecutor himself.

In times of fear or hysteria political, racial, religious, social, and economic groups, often from the best of motives, cry for the scalps of individuals or groups because they do not like their views. Particularly do we need to be dispassionate and courageous in those cases which deal with so-called “subversive activities.” They are dangerous to civil liberty because the prosecutor has no definite standards to determine what constitutes a “subversive activity,” such as we have for murder or larceny. Activities which seem benevolent and helpful to wage earners, persons on relief, or those who are disadvantaged in the struggle for existence may be regarded as “subversive” by those whose property interests might be burdened or affected thereby. Those who are in office are apt to regard as “subversive” the activities of any of those who would bring about a change of administration. Some of our soundest constitutional doctrines were once punished as subversive. We must not forget that it was not so long ago that both the term “Republican” and the term “Democrat” were epithets with sinister meaning to denote persons of radical tendencies that were “subversive” of the order of things then dominant.

In the enforcement of laws which protect our national integrity and existence, we should prosecute any and every act of violation, but only overt acts, not the expression of opinion, or activities such as the holding of meetings, petitioning of Congress, or dissemination of news or opinions. Only by extreme care can we protect the spirit as well as the letter of our civil liberties, and to do so is a responsibility of the federal prosecutor.

Another delicate task is to distinguish between the federal and the local in law-enforcement activities. We must bear in mind that we are concerned only with the prosecution of acts which the Congress has made federal offenses. Those acts we should prosecute regardless of local sentiment, regardless of whether it exposes lax local enforcement, regardless of whether it makes or breaks local politicians.

But outside of federal law each locality has the right under our system of government to fix its own standards of law enforcement and of morals. And the moral climate of the United States is as varied as its physical climate. For example, some states legalize and permit gambling, some states prohibit it legislatively and protect it administratively, and some try to prohibit it entirely. The same variation of attitudes towards other law-enforcement problems exists. The federal government could not enforce one kind of law in one place and another kind elsewhere. It could hardly adopt strict standards for loose states or loose standards for strict states without doing violence to local sentiment. In spite of the temptation to divert our power to local conditions where they have become offensive to our sense of decency, the only long-term policy that will save federal justice from being discredited by entanglements with local politics is that it confine itself to strict and impartial enforcement of federal law, letting the chips fall in the community where they may. Just as there should be no permitting of local considerations to stop federal enforcement, so there should be no striving to enlarge our power over local affairs and no use of federal prosecutions to exert an indirect influence that would be unlawful if exerted directly.

The qualities of a good prosecutor are as elusive and as impossible to define as those which mark a gentleman. And those who need to be told would not understand it anyway. A sensitiveness to fair play and sportsmanship is perhaps the best protection against the abuse of power, and the citizen’s safety lies in the prosecutor who tempers zeal with human kindness, who seeks truth and not victims, who serves the law and not factional purposes, and who approaches his task with humility.

Feb 6, 2008

Jailed Wisconsin Veteran Case Developments

Recent developments in the case of jailed Wisconsin veteran, Keith Roberts, reveal a strong commitment by the U.S. Dept of Justice and U.S. Dept of Veterans Affairs (VA) to sustaining Roberts’ criminal conviction, and fighting Roberts’ disability case before the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC).

Roberts’ benefits claim for his Post traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), was diagnosed as relating to the death of Airman Gary Holland, who was crushed to death by a C-54 airplane while stationed at a Naval air base in Naples, Italy in 1969, and an unrelated assault by the Navy Shore Patrol the same year.

As Roberts’ case was being litigated through the VA claims process in 2004-05, the VA and DoJ plotted to indict and convict Roberts, contending that Roberts and Airman Holland were not friends and that Roberts’ purported actions at the chaotic death scene 30-plus years ago were not truthfully reported by Roberts.

The move is widely seen by veterans' advocates as legal retaliation against Roberts for his tenacity in pursuing his claim, and intended to suppress other veterans’ claims.

U.S. Atty Stephen Biskupic’s office secured an indictment on April 26, 2005 under Title 18 United States Code 1341 (mail fraud), later superceded by wire fraud.

The case has potentially serious repercussions because if Roberts’ criminal conviction stands, every veteran who has a disability case pending in the VA bureaucracy is theoretically in legal jeopardy, though the political ground for attacking veterans seeking disability benefits has changed significantly in the last four years.

The engineering of the prosecution evident from the e-mails and the rushed, extraordinary prosecution itself were challenged in Roberts’ supplemental brief filed at the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC) last July.

Roberts currently has two cases being litigated simultaneously before a panel of the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit (07-1546) and another panel before the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC).

Two Developments

In a rare move, Roberts’ case before the CAVC (Roberts v. Secretary of Veterans Affairs (05-2425) ) was moved in January from the assignment to one VA Judge to a three-judge CAVC panel, without oral arguments.

The VA Office of the General Counsel is responsible for arguing against Roberts’ petition to have his disability benefits restored.

It’s apparent that the VA feels that an adverse ruling in either the CAVC or Seventh Circuit’s forum would be at the least highly embarrassing to the DoJ and the VA.

In another development, in Roberts’ criminal case being heard before the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit’s three-judge panel, Roberts and the U.S. Atty’s office have been ordered to file a supplemental brief.

Roberts’ brief before the Seventh Circuit is due Feb. 11, and the US Atty’s reply brief is due 30 days after Feb. 11.

The Seventh Circuit's move is seen by observers as motivated by the Panel's concern that Roberts' right to counsel and legal representation be fully realized in light of the multiplicity of attorneys who have represented Roberts during his legal plight from trial to appeal.

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Jan 31, 2008

Wisc Lawmaker: Feds Should Cough Up Money for Corrupt Prosecution by US Atty

Why should Wisconsin citizens get stuck with the $200,000 tab paid to an innocent Wisconsin woman who was the victim of a political prosecution by the United States Dept of Justice?

State Representative Pedro Colon (D-Milwaukee) says the federal government should foot the bill, not Wisconsin taxpayers.

United States Attorney Stephen Biskupic (Eastern District of Wisconsin) was excoriated by the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit last year in an extraordinary decision that freed the innocent state worker, Georgia Thompson.

From the Associated Press:
MADISON,Wis. (AP) -- A lawmaker wants the state to force the federal government to reimburse an employee who was wrongly convicted in federal court.

The Legislature's budget committee voted to recommend reimbursing Georgia Thompson more than $228,000 in attorney's fees and other costs stemming from her wrongful conviction.

But Democratic Rep. Pedro Colon of Milwaukee says he will push for an amendment requiring the Wisconsin Department of Justice to pursue all reasonable means to collect that money from the federal government.

He says Thompson's prosecution was politically motivated to damage Democratic Gov. Jim Doyle. Thompson was convicted of steering a contract to a supporter of the governor.

She spent four months in prison before an appeals court ruled she was innocent.

For more information:

- DoJ on Biskupic Prosecution: 'How in the heck did this case get brought?'
- U.S. Atty Scandal Broadens, Thompson Prosecution Retains Focus of National Media and Congress
- A Woman Wrongly Convicted and a U.S. Attorney Who Kept His Job

Nov 14, 2007

More Evidence Clears Innocent Jailed Wisconsin Veteran

by Michael Leon

Madison, Wisconsin - This is no misunderstanding.

The VA and DoJ know what they did.

The VA and DoJ indicted and convicted an innocent Wisconsin Navy veteran who blew the whistle, in arguably obnoxious tones of voice, on the VA engaging in one instance of fraud, and the VA's general bureaucratic stall-and-let-the-veterans-die-before-collecting-on-their-claims-policy.

Now comes the latest exculpatory evidence on U.S. Navy Airman Keith Roberts (1968–71), a Wisconsin citizen who became a political and legal VA target because he would not keep his mouth shut.

While seeking a claim for his diagnosed PTSD condition, the honorably discharged veteran ultimately received a criminal conviction (on wire fraud) courtesy of the efforts of the U.S. Dept of Justice, through the office of the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Stephen Biskupic, that Roberts lied about his relationship with and his actions pertaining to a fellow Navy airman's, Gary Holland, death, crushed by a C-54 transport aircraft in a Feb. 1969 accident at a Naval airbase in Naples, Italy.

That's a thin reed on which to base a prosecution, but is typical of the basis of numerous U.S. Atty Biskupic's prosecutions.

Scott Horton, acclaimed human rights attorney of Harper's magazine, writes:
The prosecution smacks of retaliation and a plan to suppress veterans claims—Roberts was prosecuted for tenaciously pursuing a claim for benefits, which VA resisted and which is still in the benefits review process.
More corroborating evidence received here that Roberts, on line duty in 1969, a military position guiding flights on the ground, at the time that Airman Gary Holland was killed, further disconfirms the prosecution's case, a thin case already already discredited.

This new evidence comes from a veteran, and a distant relative of Roberts' in an e-mail, reading:

By the way, Keith had talked to me about the death of (Airman) Gary (Holland) a number of times in 1970 and 1971 when are Navy careers caused us to cross paths in Naples, Italy and in Norfolk, VA. Keith is my brother-in-law's nephew. I never thought this BS from the VA and the US attorney could have every actually led to a conviction and prison time.
Roberts has never varied from his account from 1969 of his actions during which a friend was killed (not even the Navy, VA and DoJ can deny the existence of a corpse), according to numerous intimates and relatives; though their testimony was never introduced at Roberts' 2006 trial.

Other veterans at the Italy airbase corroborate Roberts' account, but their accounts conflict with the government's, and therefore are narratives in which the VA and DoJ maintain an abiding disinterest.

The case remains under appeal at the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit at which oral arguments were addressed Oct. 25.; and at the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC), fully briefed.

Do not look for U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Stephen Biskupic, to admit his travesty of justice in the Roberts' affair, anymore than he admitted his error in the prosecution of the innocent and decent Wisconsin woman, Georgia Thompson, whom he prosecuted for his selfish and appalling political motives.

Radio News: - Listen to the Lee Rayburn radio show for a full hour discussing the veteran Keith Roberts obscene prosecution by the U.S. government. [Give the radio show's file some time to load, long show.]

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Nov 11, 2007

Innocent Jailed Wisconsin Navy Vet's Plight on Radio


- Lee Rayburn for a full hour discussing the Keith Roberts obscenity - [Give the show's file some time to load, long show.]

Madison, Wisconsin — Navy Airman Keith Roberts (1969-71) sits in a federal penitentiary in Minnesota, serving a 48-month sentence since March, awaiting news from the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit of his appeal for his conviction on federal wire fraud.

The honorably discharged veteran’s criminal conviction is based upon the U.S. Dept of Justice’s assertions, made through the office of the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Stephen Biskupic, that Roberts lied about his relationship with and his actions pertaining to a fellow Navy airman who was crushed to death by a C-54 transport aircraft in a Feb. 1969 accident at a Naval airbase in Naples, Italy.

The Lee Rayburn show on Madison's The MIC (92.1 F.M., Madison, Wisconsin) has covered the case thoroughly.

Listen to Lee Rayburn for a full hour discussing the Keith Roberts obscenity.

- Listen to Wisconsin Public Radio News (May 10, 2007).

Oral Arguments in U.S. v. Roberts
Access oral arguments held Oct. 25, 2007. [Enter 07-1546 in the Case Number's fields by entering 07 in the "Year," and entering 1546 in the "Year Fragment's" field. Give the file some 45 seconds at least to load.]

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Nov 9, 2007

Biskupic’s Aim at Wisc Navy Vet Ought to Fail

Update: - Lee Rayburn for a full hour discussing the Keith Roberts obscenity - [Give the radio show's file some time to load, long show.]

Madison, Wisconsin — Navy Airman Keith Roberts (1969-71) sits in a federal penitentiary in Minnesota, serving a 48-month sentence since March, awaiting news from the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit of his appeal for his conviction on federal wire fraud.

The honorably discharged veteran’s criminal conviction is based upon the U.S. Dept of Justice’s assertions, made through the office of the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Stephen Biskupic, that Roberts lied about his relationship with and his actions pertaining to a fellow Navy airman who was crushed to death by a C-54 transport aircraft in a Feb. 1969 accident at a Naval airbase in Naples, Italy.

These alleged lies, Biskupic contends, were used to fabricate a claim for Dept. of Veterans Affairs (VA) disability benefits (granted in 1999), benefits that are by VA mandate electronically deposited in Roberts’ bank account, constituting wire fraud.

Several problems exist with Biskupic’s account by which he was able to secure an indictment and conviction at trial in 2006 in a case that brings to mind the infamous Georgia Thompson affair, also prosecuted by Biskupic.

- Roberts was diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) by some five different mental health professionals.

- Roberts had a parallel military career with the late Navy Airman, Gary Holland, that that would make it unlikely that Holland and Roberts were not at least friendly in their relationship.

- Roberts received a “Special Enlisted Personnel Performance Evaluation” (the military equivalent of a pat on the back for the then-young airman) two days after the death of Airman Holland for his role in the chaotic event.

- Roberts was serving on line duty, a military position guiding flights on the ground, at the time Holland was killed.

- Contrary to ordinary procedures, the only law enforcement agency (investigating the alleged crime) whose testimony was used in the Grand Jury proceedings securing the indictments (for mail fraud, later superseded by wire fraud) was the regional VA Inspector General’s office, not a professional law enforcement agency; and not the Postal Inspector’s office, the FBI or the U.S. Treasury Department that usually investigate mail and wire fraud crimes.

- Biskupic used an administrative denial of Roberts’ claim by an apparently vindictive VA as fact evidence at Roberts’ criminal trial, while the claim was and is still under adjudication at the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC), per the Veterans Judicial Review Act. As Roberts’ attorney states in a CAVC brief: “If the CAVC rules in favor of Mr. Roberts, he will be in prison convicted of fraud for accepting benefits payments that he is fully and legally entitled to.”

Several other problems exist with Biskupic's prosecution, too numerous to mention here.

Roberts’ appeal will likely hinge upon interpretations of due process, lack of evidence or jurisdictional issues, but knowledgeable observers recognize that the dependence on the ideological make-up of the three-judge panel hearing the case renders the case a crapshoot for Roberts.

The innocent Georgia Thompson was, in a very real sense, lucky in the make-up of her appellate panel.

As for U.S. Atty Biskupic, who has drawn national condemnation for his appalling lack of prosecutorial discretion employed as the top law enforcement official in the Eastern District of Wisconsin, one can only hope that his reckless conduct in the Roberts affair ultimately ends with a judicial result similar to the Thompson case that ought to have provoked Biskupic’s resignation.
###

Nov 5, 2007

Media Alert

I will be a guest on the Lee Rayburn show, Tuesday, November 5 at 7:00 P.M. (central time).

Can be accessed in the Madison, Wisconsin area on 92.1 F.M.

And via the net at the Lee Rayburn show. Hit the earphones icon in the upper-right corner of web page below the "Days before Bush is out..." countdown.

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Biskupic Called Jailed Veteran Case ‘Straight-forward and Simple’


United States Attorney Stephen Biskupic spoke at oral arguments in late October in the case of the United States v. Keith A. Roberts (07-1546) before a three-judge panel of the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit and called the Roberts’ affair “a simple, straight-forward” case.

As Biskupic well knows, the U.S. v. Roberts case is anything but simple and straight-forward.

Keith Roberts, a Wisconsin Navy veteran (1968-71), while in the middle of adjudicating his claim for PTSD-related disability benefits with the VA, was in an extraordinary turn of events investigated, charged and convicted of wire fraud by U.S. Attorney Stephen Biskupic (Eastern District of Wisconsin) after Roberts had phoned the VA Inspector General’s office at Hines, Illinois, in December 2003 and complained to Special Agent Raymond Vasil that Roberts believed that the VA was engaging in “fraud”-- (in altering a transcript at a local hearing in the VA Regional Office in Milwaukee, as the VA was in the process of determining the date from which Roberts' retroactive PTSD-related disability pay was to become effective, among other benefit issues).

Biskupic said at oral arguments: “You (veterans) have to be truthful.”

“There was evidence from the people that were there in 1969 that this defendant lied about what his role was, and there was testimony that those lies were relied on by the government in awarding (his disability benefits).

“… so you have a simple, straight-forward wire fraud case that was brought against somebody who lied to the government; witnesses were brought in at the trial to support the evidence that he lied … from our perspective, not unusual, a straight-forward fraud case other than the fact that it litigated an issue from 1969. …


Roberts’ attorney, Robert Walsh, pointed out at oral arguments that the Roberts’ case has veterans’ advocates shaking their heads in disbelief nationwide.

Said Walsh:

The Roberts matter is a“… very remarkable case … This is a matter of first impression (first presentation of question of law to a court for examination or decision). I have discussed this with probably 30 members of the Veterans Bar. And understand that’s a very small bar.

The organization of veterans’ advocates only has 400 members. … I’m a former VA district counsel staff attorney. I talked to general counsel attorneys, retired and serving. I’ve discussed this with the regional counsel in Detroit, whom I believe should have been in the screening of this case before it went to the U.S. Attorney.

This (case) is a remarkable event because we have the interposition of the Department of Justice right square in the middle of a VA benefits dispute, and effectively they (the DoJ) are litigating in the district court the same transaction and occurrence (as the VA).

And they (the DOJ) (said) ‘no, we’re not going to do that’ (at trial). The judge’s pre-trial motions and pre-trial conference were all predicated on the fact that I am not going to relitigate the veteran's (VA) benefit case. And then they proceed at trial, after they’ve denied many of the witnesses that Mr. Roberts attempted to call, they proceed to relitigate the 1969 events.


Following is an edited, previously published piece on Roberts demonstrating how the Navy veteran Roberts became a major political and legal Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) and DoJ target.

9/03/2007

National VA Director Pushed US Atty Biskupic to Indict Wisconsin Veteran

Madison, Wisconsin—The Bush administration has refused to prosecute even one case of contractor fraud despite the multi-billion-dollar swindling and war-profiteering scandals in Iraq, but pursues a vigorous enterprise to marginalize, investigate, and prosecute veterans receiving disability benefits in an attempt to fabricate a fraud crisis among veterans who were injured and traumatized during their service to their country.

One administration initiative to investigate 72,000 cases of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was halted in 2005 after a storm of outrage from veterans’ groups and democrats.

In the PTSD case of U.S. Navy Airman Keith Roberts (1968–71) the U.S. Dept of Justice in the office of the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Stephen Biskupic, decided to indict a Wisconsin Vietnam-era Navy veteran (who was diagnosed with PTSD by at least five different mental health professionals), using the power of his office to convict and jail the vet on trumped-up charges of wire fraud in 2004-2005.

The case has potentially vast repercussions because if Roberts’ criminal conviction and denial and reduction of benefits stand, every veteran who has a disability case pending in the VA bureaucracy is theoretically in legal jeopardy.

Were the current VA administrative rules allowed to be rendered inoperative and a new standard for benefits claims to be enacted demanding that every veteran must verify beyond a reasonable doubt the circumstances surrounding his disability claim, every veteran claimant could face criminal wire fraud indictments, assuming they resided in a jurisdiction with a US Atty exercising the same lack of prosecutorial discretion as Biskupic.

Exercising this appalling lack of prosecutorial discretion, the U.S. Atty, after prodding from U.S. Dept of Veterans Affairs (VA) officials, drew fire for the bizarre prosecution from veterans’ groups, such as Colonel Daniel K. Cedusky’s, AUS, (Ret.), a critic of both what he calls Bush administration “chickenhawks” and anti-war activists.

Adding insult to injury, the VA also began immediate collection actions against the veteran and his two young daughters who had received education benefits related to their father’s service in the Navy.

Who or what prompted the U.S. Atty’s office is a puzzle to many readers who have followed the case of Airman Keith Roberts who has been serving 48 months in a federal prison since last March, as well as incurring associated costs of some $500,000.

But several VA e-mails point to top officials in the VA engineering a criminal prosecution while gaming the veteran’s VA benefits adjudication, and subsequently putatively financially assaulting the veteran’s family.

Roberts is but one victim of a stacked-against-the-veteran benefits system that is now the subject of an unprecedented class action law suit by veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, as veterans’ PTSD claims surge.

But Keith Roberts is indisputably a major political and legal VA target.

Roberts’ difficulty began as he hounded the VA to distraction over his claim for an earlier effective date for his disability benefits. When he accused the VA of outright fraud in November 2003, one VA Special Agent Raymond Vasil of the regional Inspector General’s office in Chicago retaliated against this Vietnam-era veteran for seeking retroactive PTSD-related disability benefits [Roberts sought a new retroactive date per the advice of Roberts’ own Shawano County (Wisconsin) Veteran’s Service Officer.]

VA and Airman Keith Roberts

Like 100,000s of veterans, Roberts engaged in the convoluted process of the U.S. Dept of Vet Affairs (VA) bureaucracy seeking disability benefits in what is supposed to be a non-adversarial process under the Veterans' Judicial Review Act (1988) that empowers veterans the right to judicial review of decisions involving their benefits under the exclusive authority of the legislatively created VA adjudication procedures.Roberts’ benefits claim—related to his PTSD was diagnosed as occurring because of the in-service stressor event of witnessing and trying to prevent his friend (Airman Gary Holland) from being crushed to death by a C-54 airplane while stationed at a Naval air base in Naples, Italy in 1969, and an unrelated assault by the Navy Shore Patrol—was granted at the 100 percent disability level.

That award of benefits was then illegally rescinded and that action by the VA is now under review by U.S. Court of Appeals for Veteran Claims (CAVC).

Roberts received a “Special Enlisted Personnel Performance Evaluation” (the military equivalent of a pat on the back for the then-young airman) two days after the death of Airman Holland.

Roberts became the central figure in what is a cautionary, Alice-in-Wonderland tale, after U.S. Atty. Biskupic’s and the VA’s scheming resulted in Roberts being tried and convicted of receiving disability benefits from the VA (by wire transfer as the VA requires for all payments).

When the veterans’ court restores Roberts VA disability benefits, which never should have been taken from him, he will not be eligible to receive them, while he is now serving 48 months in federal prison for receiving the very same benefits.

The Veterans Court can restore the benefits, but lacks authority to order Roberts released from prison.

That is the argument Roberts has been making for many months: That criminal prosecution for an allegation of VA benefits fraud cannot commence until the final VA determination has been made.

One observer said, “Alice-in-Wonderland? Try Kafkaesque.”

Roberts Hits VA

Anger, panic, and frustration with the VA drove Keith Roberts to phone the VA Inspector General’s office at Hines, Illinois, in November 2003 at which time Roberts spoke with Special Agent Raymond Vasil.Roberts accused the VA of “fraud” in altering a transcript at a local hearing in the VA Regional Office in Milwaukee as the VA was in the process of determining the date from which his retroactive disability pay was to become effective, among other benefit issues.

Adjustments and frequent remanding (sending back for reconsideration) of cases are common VA practice. It’s not hyperbole to say that many veterans have died awaiting appeal of their cases.

[From AlterNet: The Army Times reports a backlog of some 600,000 veterans' benefits claims on appeal. On average, it takes the VA 177 days to process an original claim and 657 days to process an appeal. If psychically injured veterans die with their case under appeal, the case dies with them.]

The VA’s Vasil (who has no professional law enforcement experience and no VA benefit adjudication experience) disingenuously told Roberts in November 2003 that he would look into the fraud accusation against the VA.But Vasil appears to have had no intention of investigating the VA, but rather investigated Roberts beginning in Dec. 2003 as Roberts continued making waves with the VA Regional Office staff in Milwaukee, Wisconsin with his accusations.

Roberts had been a thorn in the side of the Milwaukee Regional VA’s office as well as the Illinois-based regional VA Inspector General’s office for insisting on his rights as a veteran to his benefits in less-than-diplomatic tones and language.

“Keith Roberts was granted a 100% compensation rate for PTSD from his date of claim. To grant PTSD, we need both a.) a current diagnosis and b.) a verified in-service stressor. We found not only a stressor, but an in-service diagnosis for Airman Roberts,” said a source at the Clement J. Zablocki VA Medical Center in Milwaukee who e-mailed the Lee Rayburn radio show in Madison after a broadcast of a show on Roberts. “[T]he only reason Airman Roberts was ever prosecuted was because he was a ‘belligerent ass’ who kept insisting that he get paid back to discharge. He was demanding an appeal in Washington. I'd have to say that you guys are TOTALLY (uppercase in the original) right about Roberts' conviction being bullshit. ...”As late as this spring, the Clement J. Zablocki VA Medical Center in Milwaukee security desk had a picture of Roberts with instructions to call the VA police if Roberts were to visit the Center, according to the anonymous VA Medical Center source who contacted the Lee Rayburn radio show in Madison.

In other words, to an experienced and objective VA civil servant, Roberts’ claim was air tight, but his indignant manner made him a target of bureaucratic retribution.

VA Hits Back

But Special Agent Vasil flew around the country on the taxpayers’ dime asking veterans who did not know Roberts during his service in Italy if 30-some years later the veterans could place Roberts at the scene of Roberts’ friend’s (Holland) death where Roberts and Holland were stationed.Reportedly, Vasil neglected to show these men a photo of Roberts from his Naval service.

Vasil also questioned veterans (former members of Roberts’ unit) both in person and by phone asking if the veterans knew if Roberts and Holland were friends 30-some years ago.

Not surprisingly, the vets could not recall.

Incredibly, the answers received by Vasil regarding the Roberts-Holland friendship and Roberts’ actions at the chaotic death scene 30-plus years in the past formed the foundation of a mail fraud indictment (and later the trial conviction) secured by U.S. Atty Biskupic’s office on April 26, 2005 under Title 18 United States Code 1341 (mail fraud).

But the indictment on mail fraud involved no investigation from the Postal Inspector’s office, though the Postal Inspector’s investigations usually precede mail fraud indictments.

Without explanation from Biskupic’s office, the mail fraud indictment was superseded some four months later in September 2005 when Biskupic secured an indictment on wire fraud under Title 18 USC 1343; this time with no input from the FBI or U.S. Treasury Department, as is usual in wire fraud indictments.

The only law enforcement agency used in the Grand Jury testimony securing the indictments was the regional VA Inspector General’s office, not a professional law enforcement agency, but an office that operated vindictively in the person of Special Agent Vasil and his colleagues; and was run at the executive level by ex-VA Secretary Jim Nicholson, a former Republican National Committee chairman with no veteran advocacy experience, in an administration taking its cues from the veterans’ benefits-hostile American Enterprise Institute scholar, Dr. Sally Satel.

Vasil’s Grand Jury testimony demonstrates Vasil’s weak familiarity with VA adjudication processes:

Grand Jury Question: “Is that part of your training that you have to know the basics of how these (VA) programs work?”

Vasil’s Answer: “Yeah. I was briefly kind of instructed when I was hired, and then just while working for them, you have to learn it to investigate the cases.”

Roberts Fights Back

On August 16, 2004, the VA halted the benefits being paid to Roberts based upon Vasil’s investigation. Roberts appealed the decision on September 14, 2004, and was indicted seven months later. [To get an appreciation of the putative nature of the VA machinations, it is worth noting that near instantaneous collection activity was initiated by the U.S. Government against Roberts’ daughters in November 2004, though the Roberts case remained under appeal then, and remains under appeal today.]

Roberts did not take Vasil’s determination to halt Roberts’ VA payments lying down.

Roberts fired off a letter to the Secretary of the VA on November 22, 2004, and made a detailed complaint about what he claimed were the violation of his Constitutional due process rights by the VA Inspector General's office.

And an American Legion letter (among others written in October), authored by Phillip Wilkerson (dated Dec. 13, 2004), at Roberts request, took issue with the VA’s termination of benefits, and the continued withholding of information and evidence developed in the course of the VA Office of the Inspector General’s (VAOIG) fraud investigation.

Renee L. Szybala and VA Officials Plot to Take Down Roberts
“The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers,“ said the felonious Dick the Butcher in Shakespeare's Henry VI.

But at the VA, lawyers and regional counsels are the good guys, the professionals who adhere to the law and administrative regulations that on paper are supposed to protect veterans from arbitrary and capricious VA personnel, the yes-men who climb the ladder in the denial-of-claims culture of today’s politicized VA.

One yes-person, former VA General Counsel attorney and VA national Director of Compensation and Pension Services, Renee L. Szybala, authored the VA’s response to Robert's letter, and evidence suggests engineered the prosecution of Roberts by US Atty Biskupic.

As a former General Counsel attorney, Szybala knew perfectly well that Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, section 3.905 (a) Jurisdiction statute reads: “At the regional office level … the Regional Counsel is authorized to determine whether the evidence warrants formal consideration as to forfeiture.”

As Roberts’ attorney Robert Walsh states in his CAVC Supplemental brief filed in July:

“Ms. Renee Szybala, who responded to the letter for the Secretary, then appears to have had a direct involvement in orchestrating the efforts to commence criminal proceedings against the appellant in Federal District Court when she knew his appeals were pending at either the BVA (Board of Veterans' Appeals) or this Court (the CAVC).”

Szybala, who since has moved on from her position as Director of Compensation and Pension Services, was responsible for managing the network of VA Regional Offices across the country.

In an e-mail of January 27, 2005 from Debi Bevins, Special Assistant to the (VA) Secretary Jim Nicholson, Bevins asked Szybala: “Is there any truth to what Keith Roberts alleges in this e-mail?” referring to Roberts’ allegations of fraud and violations of his due process rights, and Roberts declarations of his rightful entitlement pertaining to his experiencing what the VA calls “stressors.”

Plotting a Prosecution

In the same e-mail, Bevins asks: “Have we heard any news on the prosecution of Keith Roberts?”

Szybala replies in part in an e-mail dated January 27, 2005 that: “Of course not (there is no truth to Roberts’ allegations). But he (Roberts) may be confused and believe it. I have known of and been dealing with Mr. Roberts’ complaints for several years now, dating to my time at OGC (VA Office of the General Counsel) as explained in the message below. … In the interest of full disclosure, I also have a letter on this case from the American Legion, dated October 15, 2004 (asking for Vasil’s report), to which I have not yet responded. The fraud for which Mr. Roberts’ service connection was severed was uncovered, investigated, and reported by the OIG (Office of the Inspector General). To respond to the Legion’s letter, we need to confer with the OIG and have had trouble connecting. When we do we’ll ask them the question about the prosecution, too. My guess is, however, that this case would not interest a U.S. Attorney. …”

Several points made in this and subsequent e-mails obtained by the defense and not presented at the criminal trial (though successfully made part of the record of appeal at CAVC after efforts by atty Robert Walsh) are critical and raise questions about the legality and propriety of the prosecution instigated by the VA.

No testimony or evidence was presented at Roberts’ trial pertaining to Ms. Szybala’s statement that Szybala had been dealing with Roberts’ allegations and complaints for several years and that Szybala stated that “… he (Roberts) may be confused and believe it.”

This is significant because if Roberts believed the VA claim that he was pursuing and Szybala assumed Roberts’ believed his claim, this discredits the principal allegation of the government’s criminal case that Roberts devised a “scheme” to formulate misrepresentations with the intent of defrauding the VA, the alleged crime for which Roberts now sits behind bars.

In fact, the government in the person of Barbra Nehls of the Milwaukee VA Regional office wrongly claimed at trial that Roberts’ benefits were reduced based upon the VA’s determination that Roberts’ statements of facts from 1969 formed the basis of the VA decision to grant or deny benefits.

This is a material misrepresentation of VA procedure: The determination of PTSD-related benefits relies upon medical evidence (such as being diagnosed by five different medical professionals that a vet has PTSD) and the existence of an in-service stressor (such as the reality that a man was crushed to death by a C-54 aircraft while an Airman was on duty), per 38 CFR (Code of Federal Regulations) 3.304(f). All a veteran has to achieve in first-person testimony is corroboration, not verification. The Code defines Post Traumatic Stress Disorder as Service connection for post-traumatic stress disorder; (PTSD) requires medical evidence diagnosing the condition in accordance with 38 CFR 4.125(a); a link, established by medical evidence, between current symptoms and an in-service stressor; and credible evidence that the claimed in-service stressor occurred (38 CFR 3.304(f)).

Officials from the Milwaukee Regional Office and Special Agent Raymond Vasil’s Inspector General’s (OIG) office were included in the series of e-mails including one e-mail from the OIG's Vasil dated January 27, 2005, stating: “The U.S. Attorney (Biskupic) is interested in prosecuting. He is not 100% yet and wanted me to interview any additional persons I could find that were present when the original accident happened in 1969. … “

The engineering of the prosecution evident from the e-mails and the rushed, extraordinary prosecution itself were challenged in Roberts’ supplemental brief filed at the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC) in July.

As detailed in the brief, the conduct of the (VA) Secretary has been contrary to law, in bad faith, highly adversarial. There is an inference of impropriety by any number of senior officials in the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs,” reads the brief filed by attorney Robert Walsh.

And it bears repeating from the brief: “Ms. Renee Szybala, who responded to the letter for the Secretary, then appears to have had a direct involvement in orchestrating the efforts to commence criminal proceedings against the appellant in Federal District Court when she knew his appeals were pending at either the BVA (Board of Veterans' Appeals) or this Court (the CAVC).”

Two links of VA e-mails are below.

- E-mail
- E-mail

Roberts’ CAVC brief continues:

In this case the pursuit of the criminal conviction of this Appellant was ongoing during the entire pendency of this appeal.

The (VA) Secretary appears to have willfully and knowingly circumvented the jurisdiction of this Court (CAVC) and his employees and agents made material misrepresentations of the precedent rulings of this Court and the U.S. Court of Appeals of the Federal Circuit in open court, under oath.Had a determination of fraud actually been made, the Appellant would have still had the right to appeal that decision. … The referral of this case directly from the VA OIG’s Chicago office to the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin for criminal proceedings is contrary to law, justice, equity, and fair play. When the Court rules to restore the benefits of the Appellant, we shall have arrived at an absurd “Alice in Wonderland” result.

A veteran will sit in prison for accepting the wire transfer of funds to which he was legally entitled. …This extraordinary rendition of a veteran from a VA administrative dispute directly into Federal District Court on criminal charges is unprecedented.

VA Federal Law

Veteran-advocacy groups deride the delivery of health care and disability benefits to our veterans as another example of Bush administration incompetence in administering government services and entitlements to which it is ideologically hostile.

The VA, a large department of government, growing under the strain of war and non-existent administration planning for the consequences of war, is operating under the authority of specific federal regulations—the Code of Federal Regulations (CFR), Title 38, “Pensions, Bonuses, and Veterans Relief.”

Title 38 specifically defines and delineates the processing and delivery of VA benefits, and several regulations that have the force of federal law were blatantly ignored by VA officials in the prosecution of Roberts.

U.S. Atty Biskupic ought to have read up on the Code of Federal Regulations (CFR), Title 38, “Pensions, Bonuses, and Veterans Relief” and tossed the case off his desk after being approached by VA officials.

Title 38 (3.901 Fraud) specifically defines “fraud” (what Roberts is accused of engaging in in a sense, though the specific charge was changed from VA fraud to mail fraud to wire fraud) as a false or fraudulent act committed in trying to obtain “any claim for benefits under any of the laws administered by the Department of Veterans Affairs.”

Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, Section 3.905 (a) Jurisdiction
The VA insulates and protects veterans by establishing a layer of procedures before a veteran can be denied VA benefits, much less criminally prosecuted for fraud in seeking benefits.

The Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, section 3.905 (a) Jurisdiction regulation reads: “At the regional office level … the Regional Counsel is authorized to determine whether the evidence warrants formal consideration as to forfeiture.”

Robert Walsh, the VA appellate attorney for Roberts and a former VA staff attorney, blasted the criminal prosecution as well as the VA denial of benefits for its lack of review by the VA Regional counsel, per Title 38.

"The local VA Inspector General going directly to the U.S. Attorney without any review by VA attorneys appears to be unprecedented and is a violation of Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, section 3.905."

The U.S. Attorney prosecuting a case such as this without a proper investigation by the F.B.I. or U.S. Treasury is outrageous. It is contrary to the Department of Justice guidelines for such cases. Failure to follow those well-thought out procedures is unwise. So we arrive at this bizarre outcome."

When Congress passed the Veterans Judicial Review Act, which became law in 1988, they created a special court to review disputes over veterans’ benefits, the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims (CAVC)."

No other court was given jurisdiction over these claims, and that court has not yet ruled on the reduction of benefits suffered by Mr. Roberts."

If the CAVC rules in favor of Mr. Roberts, he will be in prison convicted of fraud for accepting benefits payments that he is fully and legally entitled to.”

Biskupic has not spoken publicly on why his office had not awaited the adjudication of the benefits process before seeking indictments for alleged fraudulent statements made by Roberts in his claims, and why Biskupic avoided the charge of Veteran’s fraud, and indicted on mail fraud and then wire fraud instead.

Nor has Biskupic’s office offered any explanation for why he sought indictments absent review and referral by VA attorneys, per Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, section 3.905 and why as Roberts’ claims continues adjudication under the veterans’ courts, Biskupic decided to step in and indict without investigation by the Postal Inspector’s office, the FBI, or the U.S. Treasury department.

Veterans’ groups allege that Biskupic’s extraordinary prosecution was consonant with Bush administration priorities to discourage VA disability benefits claims and served to curry favor with the AEI/Bush VA priorities, helping to keep Biskupic’s endangered position as U.S. Atty in Bush’s politicized DoJ.

Title 38 Code of Federal Regulations, Section 3.905 (b) Fraud

The VA is also required, by federal regulation, to notify a veteran if he or she is declared to be fraudulently presenting information to the VA.The Fraud statute reads:(b) Fraud or treasonable acts.

Forfeiture of benefits under §3.901 or §3.902 will not be declared until the person has been notified by the Regional Counsel … of the right to present a defense. Such notice shall consist of a written statement sent to the person's latest address of record setting forth the following:(1) The specific charges against the person;(2) A detailed statement of the evidence supporting the charges, subject to regulatory limitations on disclosure of information;(3) Citation and discussion of the applicable statute. …Roberts was never notified by the Regional Counsel that he was suspected or accused of engaging in fraud. The reason is the VA knew that they could never prove veterans’ fraud because of Roberts’ voluminous VA file supporting Roberts claim, much of which was kept out of evidence at the wire fraud trial.

Said a source close to the defense network: “The VA statute requires the criminal justice system to stay out of the matter until a FINAL administrative agency’s decision is in place. That will not happen at the VA until Roberts is done at the Supreme Court. The VA reduction of benefits is under appeal and will be for some time. So, if they believe in the fraud, why the rush for Biskupic to jump in? Keith is not a killer posing a danger to the public; he is a veteran who simply will not be getting his benefits that he deserves.”

Roberts was caught in a situation where he angered the VA Inspector General’s office and the Milwaukee regional office that knew that Roberts could never be convicted of VA fraud, so they summarily denied his benefits, began the kangaroo investigation by Vasil and then communicated the case circumstances to U.S. Atty Biskupic who charged Roberts with postal fraud and then with wire fraud using the denial of benefits (under appeal per federal statute and administrative law regulations) and misrepresentations of VA procedure at trial as evidence of criminal fraud.

So, before and after Special Agent Vasil, Director of Compensation and Pension Services, Renee L. Szybala, and the Milwaukee regional office were scheming to charge Roberts with fraudulently presenting his VA claim, and Roberts’ liberty became endangered, the VA never formerly notified Roberts through the Regional Counsel or otherwise that his forfeiture and reductions were asserted by the VA Regional Counsel to be based upon fraud.U.S. Atty Biskupic never addressed the statutory imperative that Roberts should have been so notified by the VA Regional Counsel during the investigation, the indictment and prosecution, and the government briefs filed with the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit also refuses to address the issue.

This would appear to raise serious due process considerations that may result in the overturning of Roberts’ criminal conviction by the Seventh Circuit, known for its intellectual heft, though leaning to the right, aside from the fact that Roberts is innocent of not being at the scene of his friend Holland’s death.

Title 38 § 14.561 - Necessary Administrative or Adjudicatory Action

In the criminal case appeal, Roberts argues that “… with regard to prosecutions related to benefits claims, certain administrative measures must be taken citing CFR Title 38 § 14.561:Title 38 § 14.561 reads: “Before a submission is made to the U.S, Attorney in cases involving personnel or claims, the … Regional Counsel at the regional office, hospital or center, if the file is in the regional office or other field facility, will first ascertain that necessary administrative or adjudicatory … action has been taken”

To translate, the Regional Counsel in this case has to ensure that the rights embodied in the administrative processes are followed (and exhausted) before sending the case off to the US Atty.

This argument is made in both Roberts’ criminal and CAVC briefs. In the CAVC brief, Roberts argues:

“The Secretary has caused a criminal prosecution in Federal District Court to be initiated against the Appellant while he was still before this Court litigating the same facts, transactions and occurrences. The VA regulation for initiating criminal charges against a veteran was not followed, 38 C.F.R. § 14.561."

The VA’s position made in their response brief is that this administrative law is obsolete (though it was never repealed) and that the VA does not need to follow the law.

In an August VA response to Roberts’ CAVC brief, the VA argues that the Office of Inspector General’s personnel like Vasil, with no legal training or law enforcement experience, and the VA police are “responsible for notifying the DOJ or the USA (US Atty) of possible criminal matters. … The authority and duty to refer criminal cases is vested in the VA police and the OIG. … it could be argued that, as it relates to criminal prosecutions, section 14.561 is obsolete.”

The VA’s convoluted argument on its' not abiding by section 14.561 (Counsel assurance of necessary administrative or adjudicatory procedure) authored by Carolyn F. Washington, VA deputy asst general counsel, amounts to the VA equivalent of a Bush signing statement—we’ll obey federal law as we see fit.

The VA police authority and role has been to tend to often-disturbed and violent veterans seeking medical and psychological assistance after coming home from service. The VA police has never been charged with investigating benefit claims, much less referring claims cases in the middle of VA adjudication to the US Atty’s office.

Politicalization

There are plenty of candidates for condemnation in this affair in today’s environment when whole agencies of the U.S. government have been usurped by an administration lacking in conscience and public accountability, politicizing virtually every agency in sight, including:

- U.S. Atty Biskupic’s office

- Special Agent Raymond Vasil of the regional VA Inspector General’s office [“A cop Vasil is not, just an idiot with a badge,” said one veteran assisting Roberts] who lied to and vocally mocked Roberts while flying around the country fabricating a case against Roberts.

- The VA benefits process that systemically wears down veterans with the apparent intention of inducing them to give up their fight for benefits [this process is being adjudicated in the unprecedented class action suit by veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan.] In fact, the VA claims process can be so frustrating that many vets (especially those suffering from PTSD) are thrown into fits of rage directed at the VA itself.

- The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) that demeans veterans for seeking help with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in this “culture of trauma.”

- The Pentagon that blames veterans “personality disorders” and lack of faith in God for veterans suffering after service.

- Former VA national Director of Compensation and Pension Services, Renee L. Szybala, and Jon Baker, director of the Milwaukee Regional VA office, actively participated in efforts to have Roberts prosecuted, while they intentionally took steps to ensure the VA Regional Counsel did not have an opportunity to perform the mandatory legal review before the matter went to the U.S. Attorney, as required by federal regulations.

Again, Szybala and other VA officials knew that Roberts had an appeal pending at the U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims, and that under VA regulations until that appeal was completed the case should not have been released for criminal or collection action.

- Barbra Nehls, formerly of the Milwaukee VA Regional office and since promoted, who wrongly claimed at trial that Roberts’ benefits were reduced based upon the VA’s determination that Roberts’ statements of facts from 1969 formed the basis of the VA decision to grant or deny benefits. This is a material misrepresentation of VA procedure.

- And of course, Carolyn F. Washington, VA deputy asst general counsel, a woman without conscience and quintessential social climber.

Cases to be Adjudicated
- U.S. v. Roberts, U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, Docket 05-CR-118 ; U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit, docket number 07-1546. Oral arguments held Oct. 25, 2007.

- U.S. Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims docket 05-2425

Roberts’ hope is that the three-member, Seventh Circuit appellate panel in Chicago will vacate his conviction for lack of evidence (similar to the infamous Georgia Thompson case prosecuted by Biskupic) and violation of due process, entitling Roberts to the VA disability benefits previously awarded to him, should the CAVC court also rule in his favor.

Roberts makes the argument in his criminal appeal that criminal prosecutions against veterans for allegedly committing fraud in filing for VA claim benefits need to follow the administrative rules (which have the force of federal law), and in this case the VA and U.S. Atty ignored the VA administrative rules.

Reply Brief Arguments Roberts’ reply brief arguments are the following:

I. The District Court Erred in Denying the Appellant's Motions to Dismiss, as the Court's Exercise of Jurisdiction Constituted a Denial of the Appellant's Right to Due Process, Due to the Pending Appeal Before the United States Court of Appeals for Veterans Claims.

II. The Evidence Presented at Trial Was Insufficient to Sustain a Conviction for Wire Fraud.

III. The Appellant’s Right to Due Process was Violated When the Government Withheld Material Information.

IV. The District Court Erred in Applying an Enhancement to the Appellant’s Sentence, as Such Was Not Submitted for Proof Beyond a Reasonable Doubt.

Legal questions and legal comments can be e-mailed to Robert Walsh at rpwalsh@sbcglobal.net.

Media on Keith Roberts
- Wisconsin Public Radio News (May 10)
- The Lee Rayburn show (June 29)
- Keith Roberts' Atty. on the Lee Rayburn show (June 6)
- WORT Radio
- A Public Affair (May 25; begins at one minute, nine seconds)

Update: PTSD Resources
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