Sep 7, 2011

VA Foul-up: No New Supp Life Ins for Totally Disabled Vets

President Obama - A dissapointment in fixing
necon-infested DVA

By Nam Tanker

With the passage of HR 3219 (Veterans' Benefits Act of 2010) that became Public Law 111-275 on 10/13/2010, Totally Disabled Veterans (with a disability waiver) were supposed to be permitted to purchase an additional $10,000 of Supplemental Life Insurance from the VA.

This law increased the amount of Supplemental Life Insurance available for purchase by Totally Disabled Veterans from $20,000 to $30,000 effective 10/01/2011.

However the Veterans Administration in applying the law, is refusing to permit Totally Disabled Veterans who have a disability waiver granted before 10/01/2010 to even receive an application for the 'New' additional supplemental life insurance. They say that the Totally Disabled Veterans that received their disability waivers prior to 10/01/2010 (even though they may have purchased the $20,000 supplemental life) were not eligible to purchase the additional $10,000 as provided for in this law.

Here is some background on this issue:

When a veteran is awarded a SC disability by the VA he or she becomes eligible to purchase Service-Disabled Veterans Life Insurance (“SDVI“)through the VA (face value amount of $10,000). This program was established in 1951 and still exists currently. Eligible Disabled Veterans have up to two (2) years from the date that the SC Disability was established to apply for this insurance.

If the veteran with this insurance becomes “Totally Disabled” then they may apply for a waiver of premiums for this $10,000 of “SDVI”.

Now comes the “SDVI” Supplemental Life Insurance. This program came into existence as a result of the Veterans Benefits Act of 1992 or Public Law 102-568. This permitted Veterans with “SDVI” in which the premiums had been waived to purchase up to $20,000 of Supplemental Life Insurance.[ a problem was later discovered that didn’t permit all eligible Totally Disabled Veteran with an existing premium waiver in place to be able to purchase this Supplemental Insurance]. The Statute reads:
[(b) "to qualify for the supplemental insurance under this section a person must file with the secretary an application for such insurance. Such application must be filed not later than (1) October 31, 1993, or (2) the end of the one year period beginning on the date on which the Secretary notifies the person that the person is entitled to a waiver of premiums under section 1912 of the title, whichever is later.]
This resulted in the 1994 Amendment or Public Law 103-446 reading:
[ Subsection (b) substituted "insurance. Such application must be filed not later than (1) October 31, 1993, or (2) the end of the one year period beginning on the date on which the Secretary" for "insurance not later than the end of (1) the one-year period beginning on the first day of the first month following the month in which this section is enacted, or (2) the one-year period beginning on the date that the Department".]
This provided a window for all Totally Disabled Veterans to be able to purchase this Supplemental Life Insurance.

Now, With the passage of HR 3219 that became Public Law 111-275 on 10/13/2010, history is repeating itself and the VA is refusing to allow all Veterans with a Total Disability, who have purchased the $20,000 Supplemental Insurance and that have a premium waiver that existed before 10/01/2010 to purchase this Supplement Increase effective 10/01/2011.

To Correct this:
(1) will the VA need it explained to them what is the intent of this legislation or
(2) will it take another Amendment like what happened in 1994

Please contact your member of Congress.

Sep 5, 2011

UW Prof on The Strike, The power of art to humanize

Robert Koehler’s The Strike:
The Improbable Story of an Iconic 1886
Painting of Labor Protest -
James M. Dennis, professor emeritus of art history

In the face of the inability of the Obama administration to stoke the consciousness of working-class America, those believing our country exists for the people look to art and music to galvanise American working families, under assault.

James M. Dennis' book, Robert Koehler’s The Strike: The Improbable Story of an Iconic 1886 Painting of Labor Protest (2011, The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System), examines the power of art to ferment the vision that toiling and laboring as accomplished by human beings is an extension of people's humanity.

Contra the dreary images of Ayn Rand so fervently grasped by Republicans and Tea Baggers, periods in history during which people gathered together announcing and protecting their work products were seen as honorable expressions of community, family and individual honor.

President Obama is no FDR standing up to the hostile, anti-family forces of this nation, offering Americans a near-constant, unequivocal expression of solidarity.

Seemingly ahistorical with no conception of what the nation is facing, Obama is more aptly seen as a flounderer.

"For Democrats in Wisconsin ... the sense of abandonment by the White House has been real, and could erode Obama's public support in 2012. Even on his Midwest listening tour in August, Obama's bus rolled right past the Wisconsin border. 'If Obama had come here in February,' says [Madison Mayor] Paul Soglin, 'there would have been 150,000 people in ten-degree weather.' Among many labor leaders, John Matthews, the longtime director of the Wisconsin teachers' union who pushed the original February walkouts, agrees with the need for Obama to step into the battle," writes Tom Hayden.

In fact, it's past time to face the fact Obama is not a serious president facing a historical crisis. He is a weak, silly man surrounded by a staff with no allegiance to working families; rather like Obama they seek power for themselves, as an end, and an effective manner of acheiving power is to make common cause with the GOP, lest we engage in "magical thinking" (Chait. NYT) of solidarity with working families.

Today, as former GOP staffer, Mike Lofgren, puts its this week:
Having gutted private-sector pensions and health benefits as a result of their embrace of outsourcing, union busting and 'shareholder value,' the GOP now thinks it is only fair that public-sector workers give up their pensions and benefits, too. Hence the intensification of the GOP's decades-long campaign of scorn against government workers. Under the circumstances, it is simply safer to be a current retiree rather than a prospective one.

If you think Paul Ryan and his Ayn Rand-worshipping colleagues aren't after your Social Security and Medicare, I am here to disabuse you of your naiveté. They will move heaven and earth to force through tax cuts that will so starve the government of revenue that they will be 'forced' to make hard choices' - and that doesn't mean repealing those very same tax cuts, it means cutting the benefits for which you worked.
Against this anti-family enterprise. check out James Dennis' work for a different vision.

From the UW-Madison Press:
Every work of art has a story behind it. In 1886 the German American artist Robert Koehler painted a dramatic wide-angle depiction of an imagined confrontation between factory workers and their employer. He called this oil painting The Strike. It has had a long and tumultuous international history as a symbol of class struggle and the cause of workers’ rights. First exhibited just days before the tragic Chicago Haymarket riot, The Strike became an inspiration for the labor movement. In the midst of the campaign for an eight-hour workday, it gained international attention at expositions in Paris, Munich, and the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair. Though the painting fell into obscurity for decades in the early twentieth century, The Strike lived on in wood-engraved reproductions in labor publications. Its purchase, restoration, and exhibition by New Left activist Lee Baxandall in the early 1970s launched it to international fame once more, and collectors and galleries around the world scrambled to acquire it. It is now housed in the Deutsches Historisches Museum in Berlin, Germany.

Art historian James M. Dennis has crafted a compelling “biography” of Koehler’s painting: its exhibitions, acclaim, neglect, and rediscovery. He introduces its German-born creator and politically diverse audiences and traces the painting’s acceptance and rejection through the years, exploring how class and sociopolitical movements affected its reception. Dennis considers the significance of key figures in the painting, such as the woman asserting her presence in the center of action. He compellingly explains why The Strike has earned its identity as the iconic painting of the industrial labor movement.

James M. Dennis
is professor emeritus of art history at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. He is author of Karl Bitter, Architectural Sculptor, 1867–1915; Grant Wood: A Study in American Art and Culture; and Renegade Regionalists: The Modern Independence of Grant Wood, Thomas Hart Benton, and John Steuart Curry as well as catalog essays for the traveling exhibitions Grant Wood: An American Master Revealed and Grant Wood’s Studio, Birthplace of American Gothic.

See also Susannah Brooks:

Professor emeritus of art history Jim Dennis recognizes the crack timing of his new book, “Robert Koehler’s The Strike: The Improbable Story of an Iconic 1886 Painting of Labor Protest.” It mirrors the timing of his subject: an 1886 painting by Wisconsin painter Robert Koehler that has managed, repeatedly, to pop up when history finds it most inconvenient.

“It’s a biography of the painting, not of the painter,” says Dennis. “The painter’s life is background. The painting became so major.”

But the background, too, has a story that winds its way around many Wisconsin people and events. As labor and labor history once again take center stage in Wisconsin, the events that led to Dennis’ book reaffirm the connections between art and life.

The son of a master machinist, Koehler grew up steeped in Milwaukee’s German industrial heritage. His family arrived from Hamburg in 1854, early immigrants who found work supporting major metal foundries and manufacturers.

Returning to Germany for further study at Munich’s Royal Academy of Art, Koehler sought permission for a controversial subject in his diploma painting: a nine-foot depiction of industrial painters walking off their job and confronting management.

Though Koehler said he was inspired by the great railroad strike of 1877, he did not intend it to depict a particular event. Painted in Munich, from models posed like the factory workers Koehler had visited in England, the painting nevertheless gained the mistaken reputation of being an American painting.

“It takes on an international quality in its development,” says Dennis. “When he went back to Germany, for some reason or other, German publications identified it as Belgian coal miner strikes. It was associated with Emile Zola’s novel ‘Germinal’ about strikers in northern France. So it was mistakenly identified, repeatedly.”

As the first major work to sympathetically depict workers walking off their jobs, the painting would have been a sensation on its own merits. It was reviewed and reproduced in publications including the New York Times and Harper’s Weekly.

But both the painting and the events surrounding its debut represented a widening gap between industrial businesspeople and members of the working class. Its first exhibition, on May 1, 1886, in New York, coincided with a massive strike for the introduction of the eight-hour workday. Three days later, Chicago would erupt in the Haymarket massacre, generally seen as the spark in the international labor rights movement.

Many prospective art patrons had earned their money from the type of work implied by the top-hatted owner in the painting, standing on the front steps of his genteel home as mill chimneys churn out smoke in the distance. Excitement at owning the painting paled when industrialist buyers saw the unrest depicted in such compassionate detail — the old victimized worker, the mother with her hungry children.

As Milwaukee’s own industrial exposition came on the horizon in 1889, industrialist E.J. Becker contacted Koehler for permission to display the painting. Eager for the painting to sell, particularly in his hometown, Koehler readily agreed. But on May 6, the primarily Polish workers of the North Chicago Rolling Mill went on strike in Milwaukee’s Bay View neighborhood. Gov. Jeremiah Rusk ordered an attack by the National Guard.

“Here comes the catch: as soon as Milwaukee industrialists and brewers saw the painting, they weren’t too pleased with it,” says Dennis, with a laugh. “Frederic Layton, who had just opened his gallery — The museum of the time — didn’t want to exhibit it because of the subject matter.”

On no less than three occasions, the painting faced obscurity specifically because of its purchase by wealthy patrons. In one such case, lumber baron T. B. Walker — titular head of Minneapolis art patronage, and the founder of what is today the Walker Art Center — headed a consortium that purchased the painting and hid it away in a dark corridor of the public library — a place visited by few working people at the time.

“It scared the pajamas out of the industrialists in Minnesota,” says Dennis. “They’d established something called Citizens Alliance — industrialists, the business community and so on — to counter the union movement. Sounds familiar, doesn’t it?”

The painting’s universal appeal added to the perceived power of its message, dooming it to storage again and again. But the activist history of UW–Madison brought it back into prominence thanks to Lee Baxendall.

Born into a wealthy Oshkosh family, Baxendall’s exposure to Madison’s radical politics and protests in the 1960s led him to an activist life in Greenwich Village. While Baxendall and Dennis had crossed paths as students in Madison, they researched the painting independently.

Now a professor of art history, Dennis had received inquiries over the years from people interested in Koehler’s painting, many of whom had confused it with a similarly named painting owned by the then-Elvehjem Museum of Art. Though he, like others, believed that the painting was at the Milwaukee Public Library, he finally called and learned of his mistake.

Thanks in part to this clarification, Baxendall finally located the painting in Minneapolis, where it had lain in storage for nearly 60 years. He purchased the painting and had it restored. In the heady liberation movements of the 1970s and 1980s, the painting received more publicity than ever — including yet another abortive purchase by an industrialist.

In 1989, the painting found its current home at the Deutsches Historiches Museum in Berlin. Again, history surrounded the sale: the paperwork was finalized while the Berlin Wall fell just a few miles away.

And, again, Dennis found himself drawn to the painting.

With a background in both history and studio art, his own schooling had culminated with a dissertation on an Austrian sculptor who had done much of the work for the Wisconsin Capitol. After many years of specializing in American regionalists such as Grant Wood and Thomas Hart Benton — known for their populist art of the Great Depression era, in a similar climate of workers’ dissent — Dennis decided to return to his German roots.

As he restored a 16th-century German house from 2002-09, Dennis researched Koehler’s background in bits and pieces. When Baxendall, still enamored with the work after its sale, realized that he could no longer pursue the research in the manner it deserved, he sent his own efforts on to Dennis.

“I went to look at the painting in Berlin,” says Dennis. “It was in storage in Spandau after the wall went down. I made arrangements, and I became more and more interested in it.”

Dennis’ research is all the more remarkable because of the limited documentation with which he had to work. Koehler’s son had disposed of the family papers — including correspondence and notes — so Dennis often had to rely on published statements.

Still, the painting and its painter remain only part of the rich swirl of history that the book describes. With connections here in Madison and around the globe, the painting touched many larger-than-life characters: familiar names, notorious pasts.

The book is a fitting tribute to Dennis’ long career. Its vibrant sense of place and culture reminds readers that art is so much more than pigment, line or shape.

“I’ve always stressed the social history of art when I went about teaching my survey courses,” says Dennis. “It’s really a social history of the painting and its reception — either acceptance or rejection. The class conflict involved is still with us today.”

Bound for glory

He sang in our streets and he sang in our halls
And he was always there when the unions gave a call
He did all the jobs that needed to be done
He always stood his ground when a smaller man would run

By Phil Ochs

Bound for Glory
On Woody Guthrie (1963)

This Labor Day, As Unions Face Historic Attacks, It's Time to Stand Together

Paul Robeson with shipyard workers in Oakland, 1942
Photo Credit: NARA via pingnews

Americans' labor product, hard work, made this country grow. Securing the liberty to produce and sell our labor by organizing and freely associating with our fellows made our country grow. Now, labor is under attack ... again, in a manner that would have made 20-century fascists proud.

By Sarah Jaffe

If there was ever a year to think about the meaning of Labor Day, this would be it.

Organized labor has rocketed to the forefront of America's political consciousness, with conservative governors attacking the right to form a union, historic strikes, and a few unexpected victories along the way.

Woody Guthrie
And while the right attacks unions and labor organizes to fight back, unemployment remains high, jobs tenuous, wages depressed and the economy slumping. No new jobs were created in August—that's right, none. The overall unemployment rate held steady, but the labor department also revised downward its jobs growth numbers for the previous two months, so the economy has actually been worse than we thought for most of the summer. Dean Baker also points out that the number of people underemployed, or “involuntarily working part-time jumped up by 430,000, to 8.8 million.”

Continued high unemployment leaves even workers who have jobs feeling desperate, and gives the bosses the upper hand to demand more work, lower wages, and givebacks from employees, while austerity politics has led to public sector layoffs across the country.

As Mike Konczal notes, “Average weekly earnings and average weekly hours both dropped slightly. We need these numbers to be taking off, not holding steady or declining. So the economy isn’t working even for those with a job.”

He continues:
Meanwhile, the average duration of unemployment has dropped while the median has increased. It’s too early to tell, but that’s a troubling sign with weak job growth — it means that we are likely seeing more and more unemployed people simply dropping out of the labor force instead of finding a job. This will continue to make the unemployment rate a less important indicator than the employment-to-population ratio.
The picture is desperate and it's not getting any better. Many Labor Day barbecues this year will be overshadowed by grim economic realities. Many people are experiencing the pressure of being out of work or living in fear that their jobs will evaporate, having to put in longer hours or take a job that pays less, or being forced to take cuts in pensions or health benefits.

There is Power in a Union

Yet, this year has been exciting as well. While the economic picture remains bad, working people thrilled to the sight of Wisconsin's public workers, teachers and progressives occupying the capitol building in protest at Governor Scott Walker's attempt to take away union's rights to collective bargaining. As firefighters marched in solidarity and national labor leaders and rock stars descended on the city, Americans saw a mass, spontaneous pro-labor action that reminded us all of the real power of collective action.

Matt Stoller wrote at the time:
Striking just isn’t in the collective memory of the American public anymore. This kind of highly politicized hybrid political protest/strike walks like an Egyptian these days, which is why Egyptians were sending Wisconsinites pizza and Madison protesters were holding signs lauding teachers, workers, and the new Egyptian flag. In fact, Madison may represent a new kind of American labor model, the melding of old school unions, Howard Dean-style internet-based organizing, Anonymous-style serious pranking, and social media reporting on protests and policy. There’s an anti-bailout class-based fervor here as well, with a simmering anger at Wall Street as subtext. It’s headless and global, though there is leadership. The most powerful moment so far in the Wisconsin conflict didn’t come from the actions of a labor leader, but from a prank call by alt-weekly 'Buffalo Beast' editor Ian Murphy, who pretended to be billionaire American oligarch David Koch and had a frank 20 minute conversation with Governor Scott Walker. Murphy originally wanted to pose as Hosni Mubarak, but couldn’t pull off the accent.
See Sarah Jaffe.

Sep 4, 2011

Obama's escalating criminalization of speech

Free speech for me, not for thee
Who needs neocons when we have the Obama administration dissolving America's last sphere of freedom in which we lead the world—political speech?
If you think President Obama is progressive, you are either don't care or you're not looking.
"I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." ... Except for all that unpleasant, free speech with which I might disagree.
.

By Glenn Greenwald

Over the past several years, the Justice Department has increasingly attempted to criminalize what is clearly protected political speech by prosecuting numerous individuals (Muslims, needless to say) for disseminating political views the government dislikes or considers threatening. The latest episode emerged on Friday, when the FBI announced the arrest and indictment of Jubair Ahmad, a 24-year-old Pakistani legal resident living in Virginia, charged with "providing material support" to a designated Terrorist organization (Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT)).

What is the "material support" he allegedly gave? He produced and uploaded a 5-minute video to YouTube featuring photographs of U.S. abuses in Abu Ghraib, video of armored trucks exploding after being hit by IEDs, prayer messages about "jihad" from LeT's leader, and -- according to the FBI's Affidavit -- "a number of terrorist logos." That, in turn, led the FBI agent who signed the affidavit to assert that "based on [his] training and experience, it is evident that the video . . . is designed as propaganda to develop support for LeT and to recruit jihadists to LeT." The FBI also claims Ahmad spoke with the son of an LeT leader about the contents of the video and had attended an LeT camp when he was a teenager in Pakistan. For the act of uploading that single YouTube video (and for denying that he did so when asked by the FBI agents who came to his home to interrogate him), he faces 23 years in prison.

Let's be very clear about the key point: the Constitution -- specifically the Free Speech clause of the First Amendment -- prohibits the U.S. Government from punishing someone for the political views they express, even if those views include the advocacy of violence against the U.S. and its leaders. One can dislike this legal fact. One can wish it were different. But it is the clear and unambiguous law, and has been since the Supreme Court's unanimous 1969 decision in Brandenburg v. Ohio, which overturned the criminal conviction of a Ku Klux Klan leader who had publicly threatened violence against political officials in a speech.

In doing so, the Brandenberg Court struck down as unconstitutional an Ohio statute (under which the KKK leader was prosecuted) that made it a crime to "advocate . . . the duty, necessity, or propriety of crime, sabotage, violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or political reform." Such advocacy -- please read the part in bold -- cannot be a crime because it is protected by the First Amendment. The crux of the Court's holding: "the constitutional guarantees of free speech and free press do not permit a State to forbid or proscribe advocacy of the use of force" (emphasis added; for more on the First Amendment law protecting this right to advocate violence, see my discussion here).

To put this less abstractly, and as I've noted before, a person has -- and should and must have -- the absolute free speech right to advocate ideas such as this:
For decades, the U.S. Government has been engaging in violence and otherwise interfering in the Muslim world. Hundreds of thousands of innocent Muslim men, women and children have died as a result. There is no end in sight to this American assault on the Muslim world and those of its client states. Therefore, it is not only the right, but the duty, of Muslims to engage in violence against Americans as a means of self-defense and to deter further violence against Muslims. That is the only available means for fighting back against the world's greatest military superpower. The only alternative is continuing passive submission to this onslaught of violence aimed at Muslims.
One may find that idea objectionable or even repellent, but does anyone believe that someone should be prosecuted for writing that paragraph? Anyone who would favor prosecution for that doesn't understand or believe in the Constitution, as those ideas are pure political speech protected by the First Amendment, every bit as much as: the climate crisis now justifies violent attacks on polluting corporations; or capitalism is so destructive that the use of force in service of a Communist Revolution is compelled; or "if our President, our Congress, our Supreme Court, continues to suppress the white, Caucasian race, it's possible that there might have to be some revengeance taken" (Brandenberg); or such is the tyranny of the Crown that taking up arms against it is not merely a right but the duty of all American patriots (The American Revolution). The Jerusalem Post just fired one of its columnists, a Jewish leftist who wrote that Palestinian violence against Israel is "justified" because they have the "right to resist" the occupation; is he guilty of a crime of materially supporting Terrorism? Should Ward Churchill, widely accused of having justified the 9/11 attack (or Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, who did the same) have been indicted?

Judging from the description of Ahmad's video in the FBI Affidavit (Ahmad's YouTube account has been removed), the video in question does not go nearly as far as the clearly protected views referenced in the prior paragraph, as it does not explicitly advocate violence at all; indeed, it appears not to advocate that anyone do anything. Rather, the FBI believes it is evocative of such advocacy ("designed as propaganda to develop support for LeT"), which makes this prosecution even more troubling. Apparently, if you string together video and photographs (or words) in a certain way as to make the DOJ think that you're implicitly trying to "develop support" for a Terrorist group -- based on the political ideas you're expressing -- you risk decades of imprisonment. Is it possible to render the ostensible right of "free speech" more illusory than this?

This case is not an aberration; as indicated, prosecuting Muslims for pure political speech is an increasing weapon of the DOJ. In July, former Obama OLC official Marty Lederman analyzed the indictment of a 22-year-old former Penn State student for -- in the FBI's words -- "repeatedly using the Internet to promote violent jihad against Americans" by posting comments on a "jihadist" Internet forum including "a comment online that praised the [October, 2010] shootings" at the Pentagon and Marine Corps Museum and "a number of postings encouraging attacks within the United States." He also posted links to a bomb-making manual.

Regarding the part of the indictment based on "encouraging violent attacks," Lederman -- who, remember, was an Obama DOJ lawyer until very recently -- wrote: it "does not at first glance appear to be different from the sort of advocacy of unlawful conduct that is entitled to substantial First Amendment protection under the Brandenburg line of cases." As for linking to bomb-making materials, Lederman wrote: "the First Amendment generally protects the publication of publicly available information, even where there is a chance or a likelihood that one or more readers may put such information to dangerous, unlawful use." Lederman's discussion of the law and its applicability to that prosecution contains some caveats (and also raises some other barriers to these kinds of prosecutions), but he is clear that the aspect of the indictment based on the alleged advocacy and encouragement of violence in the name of jihad "would appear to be very vulnerable to a First Amendment challenge." That's government-lawyer-ese for: this prosecution is attempting to criminalize free political speech.

Perhaps the most extreme example of this trend is the fact that a Pakistani man in New York was prosecuted and then sentenced to almost six years in prison for doing nothing more than including a Hezbollah news channel in the package of cable channels he offered for sale to consumers in Brooklyn. On some perverse level, though, all of these individuals are lucky that they are being merely prosecuted rather than targeted with due-process-free assassination. As I documented last month, that is what is being done to U.S. citizen Anwar Awlaki due -- overwhelmingly if not exclusively -- to the U.S. Government's fear of his purely political views.

If the First Amendment was designed to do anything, it was designed to prevent the government from imprisoning people -- or killing them -- because of the political ideas they promote. Yet that is clearly what the Obama administration is doing with increasing frequency and aggression.

There is one last point that bears emphasis here. Numerous prominent politicians from both political parties -- Michael Mukasey, Howard Dean, Wes Clark, Tom Ridge, Ed Rendell, Fran Townsend, Rudy Giuliani, and many others -- have not only been enthusiasticaly promoting and advocating on behalf of a designated terrorist organization (MEK of Iran), but they have been receiving substantial amounts of cash from that Terrorist group as they do so. There is only one list of "designated Terrorist organizations" under the law, and MEK is every bit as much on that list as LeT or Al Qaeda are. Yet you will never, ever see those individuals being indicted by the Obama DOJ for their far more extensive -- and paid -- involvement with MEK than, for instance, Ahmad has with LeT. That's because: (1) the criminal law does not apply to politically powerful elites, only to ordinary citizens and residents (indeed, many of those MEK-shilling politicians cheer on broad and harsh application of the "material support" statute when applied to others), and (2) MEK is now devoted to fighting against a government disliked by the U.S. (Iran), so they've become (like Saddam Hussein when fighting Iran and bin Laden when fighting the Soviet Union) the Good Terrorists whom the U.S. likes and supports.

Nonetheless, MEK remains on the list of the designated Terrorist groups, and lending them material support -- which certainly includes paid shilling for them -- is every bit as criminal (at least) as the behavior in the above-discussed indictments. As usual, though, "Terrorism" means nothing other than what the U.S. Government wants it to mean at any given moment. The evisceration of the rule of law evidenced by this disparate treatment is as odious as the First Amendment assault itself.

Sep 3, 2011

Corrupt Ex-US Atty Steven Biskupic Now Defends Sleaze in Scott Walker Campaign

Corruption
Moving from the position of corrupt, Bush-era U.S. Attorney to defender of the Scott Walker campaign has been seamless for Steven Biskupic.

Biskupic has disgraced the office of U.S. Attorney [2001-08) though his corrupt prosecutions of Georgia Thompson, Wisconsin Navy Veteran Keith Roberts, and alleged 'Voter Fraud' crimes that saw Biskupic use the U.S. Attorney's office for the political purposes of the Bush-Cheney-Rove administration.

So now Biskupic and the GOP law firm where Biskupic sought refuge are defending the Scott Walker campaign against a John Doe investigation.

No shocker there.

Turds like Biskupic have been shilling for the GOP for years, persecuting innocent people; and now they are protecting crooks like Walker.

One could write that Biskupuc has found a home, but he has lived in the arms of the amoral GOP for years.

As for Biskupic's public disgrace, he has never issued one word of regret for his persecutions.

Sep 2, 2011

William Galston: Memo to Mitt Romney: You Have to Attack Rick Perry, and Here's How to Do It

Social Security is a Ponzi Scheme and lie
TO: MITT ROMNEY
FROM: BILL GALSTON
SUBJ: YOUR CAMPAIGN

Every successful presidential campaign faces at least one defining moment when choices spell the difference between victory and defeat. Your first one has come earlier than just about anyone expected, and much depends on how you respond.

Up to now, you've pursued a steady-as-you-go, above-the-fray strategy, ignoring your Republican rivals and training your fire on President Obama. And for six months it worked well enough to keep you in the lead. Your campaign ignited little passion, but a majority of the party was willing to settle for you if no one better came along. And no one did: Many Tea Party favorites declined to enter the race, as did potential challengers for mainstream Republican support such as Mitch Daniels. And it was hard to regard the people in the race who excited the most grassroots enthusiasm--Michele Bachmann, Ron Paul, Herman Cain--as plausible Republican nominees. You were on track to grind out an uninspiring victory.

Then Rick Perry changed everything. Within two weeks he has established himself, not just as the Tea Party's champion, but as a figure who could potentially unite all the party's factions, including the business community that constitutes your base. Perry is a mortal threat to your candidacy. What should you do?

It will be tempting to keep on doing what you've been doing. After all, you're comfortable with it, and you've gotten good at it. Some of your advisors will say that changing tactics now would give off an air of desperation. Others will say that your best course is to allow Perry--volatile, undisciplined, the distilled essence of Texas--to self-destruct. After all, he has already used the language of treason to denounce a third round of quantitative easing. Surely there are many more unguarded moments to come. So let's let others help him take himself down, while we do as little as possible to antagonize people whose support we hope to get down the road.

Seductive, isn't it? And dead wrong. Perry's entrance into the race has highlighted your key weakness: People still don't know who you are and what you stand for. They're yearning for clear, strong, unapologetic leadership, but they don't know where your red lines are. And efforts to placate opponents--such as fudging your long-held views on climate change--will only make matters worse.

But Perry's emergence also gives you a unique opportunity to define yourself--against him. If you take it, you have a fighting chance of prevailing. If you duck it, you'll lose, just as Tim Pawlenty did when he booted away his chance to take you on.

How should you do it? Well, to the extent that the Republican nominating contest is a rational process, it's a search for a candidate with three characteristics. The nominee must be competent to serve as president, reliably conservative, and electable. You're never going to be able to make your party believe that the longest-serving governor in Texas history isn't fit to serve as chief executive. And despite some facts to the contrary, it won't be any easier to challenge Perry's conservative credentials. That narrows it down to one option: You must persuade the decisive portion of your party that Rick Perry is too extreme to be elected president.

Here's your theme: Rick Perry wants to repeal the 20th century. I don't. And neither do the American people.

That terrain of battle offers a target-rich environment. Where to begin? With Perry's stated desire to repeal the 16th amendment? With his opposition to the 17th amendment, based on the odd view that taking the power to elect senators away from state legislators and giving it to the people of each state somehow amounts to a national power-grab? Maybe. But if I were you, I'd begin with Social Security. Here are Governor Perry's considered views on the subject:

Certain [New Deal] programs massively altered the relationship between Americans and their government with regard to critical aspect[s] of their lives, violently tossing aside any respect for our founding principles of federalism and limited government. By the far the best example of this is Social Security ... . Social Security is something we have been forced to accept for more than 70 years now ... . By any measure, Social Security is a failure. (Source: Rick Perry, Fed Up!, pp. 48, 50, 62))
So ... Perry believes that Social Security is (a) unconstitutional, (b) an undemocratic imposition on an undefined "we," and (c) a failure, however you look at it.

To be sure, there are real problems with Social Security, and lots of us have spent a good deal of time figuring out how to address them. In the long term, significant adjustments are necessary and unavoidable. But if you can't figure out how to refute Perry, you don't have the political intelligence to be an effective candidate. And if you're not willing to say it, starting in September's debates, you don't have the guts to be an effective candidate. And you won't be your party's nominee.

Why should you pay any attention to me? After all, I'm a lifelong Democrat, even though my credentials have been questioned from time to time. Two reasons. First, I've been through six presidential campaigns, five of which went down to defeat in deeply instructive ways. When it comes to failure, I know what I'm talking about.

The second reason goes to my motives. Because I regard you as the most electable Republican with a serious chance of winning his party's nomination, this memorandum might appear to be what the lawyers call an argument against interest. Why then would I give you what I sincerely regard as good advice? Answer: If the current mood of economic desperation persists for another year, which it might, then candidates who wouldn't be electable in ordinary circumstances might capture that mood and ride it to victory. Not to put too fine a point on it, but a Perry presidency would be a catastrophe for the country. Not only does he have bizarre views on just about everything that has happened since the 1890s; if you think American politics is hyper-polarized now, just wait.

Bottom line: I'll vote against you and do what I can to assist President Obama's reelection effort. But I also want to take out an insurance policy: If Obama loses, I want the country to be in hands I regard as responsible--even if I'll end up opposing most of what you propose.

In the end, what I think doesn't matter that much. But I strongly suspect that millions of Americans feel the same way, even if you won't be hearing from them in the next few months.